Institutional/Organisational Impact
Translations were
essential, but were not alone to lead to both beginning and
operations, or functioning of institutions of higher learning in
the West. A variety of other factors, also derived from Islam,
contributed to such developments. These influences have been
studied by Ribera[1]and
his followers, but refuted by Rashdall and his.[2]
Before looking at
the Islamic influences, it is first necessary to look at, and
refute, Rashdall and his followers’ argument, which insists that
Western universities were first on the scene, and as such owe
nothing to any Islamic influence.
Rashdall and his
followers’ main point is that Western universities were the
first true universities because they were set up by royal
prerogative.[3]This
is historically false. Contrary to what Rashdall and his
followers[4]
hold, no Western university, with the exception of Naples (set
up by Frederick II
in 1224) was established
by prerogative, or as a distinct institution. Haskins
,
indeed, notes, that at least five universities go back to the 12th
century: Salerno
,
Bologna, Paris, Montpellier
and Oxford.
`Nevertheless,’ he points out,
`these have not entirely emerged from the general group
of schools: the name university is scarcely known in this sense;
its distinctive organisation is scarcely recognised;
universities do not yet associate exclusively with other
universities, nor has the Papacy laid its guilding hand upon
them.’[5]There
are, for instance, no statutes for the Parisian medical
faculty before 1270.[6]
Similarly, Sarton
notes, the eighth
hundredth anniversary of the university of Bologna having been
celebrated with considerable pomp in 1888, led many people to
conclude that it must have been founded in 1088. But this is
purely arbitrary Sarton adds, as it is impossible to say when
the university was founded, for there never was a charter of
foundation for it.[7]
It was only by the middle of the 12th century that
its school of law was famous, and the university was only
completely organised towards the end of that century (12th).[8]
Likewise, Clagett explains that the use of the term "university"
(Latin
,
universitas) is somewhat misleading.[9]During
the 13thcentury it designated "an association or
guild of either masters or students or both," but it was not
limited to educational groups or learning associations, but was
used for other associations or guilds. Thus a university did nor
mean, as it does today, a group of faculties or schools.[10]
Something more in line with our use of the word today, Clagett
pursues, was the Latin term `studium generale,’ but even this
expression is also misleading, since `generale’ does not refer
so much to different faculties as to the fact that the studium
was open to all comers. The studium referred to the institution,
its place and courses, but not to the organization of its
personnel.[11]
And, again, back to Haskins, who insists, that despite
indications of considerable bodies of masters and students and
of vigorous intellectual life, there is very little evidence of
formal university organisation.[12]
It is, equally found vain by Sarton to try and fix the exact
dates of the foundation of these universities, for the simple
reason that, indeed, they were not deliberately founded.[13]
Various acts of incorporation were given to them later,
sometimes much later, when they had grown to a respectable size
and shown by their own being what a university was. And the fact
that not merely one university grew in that manner-somewhat
unconsciously, like a living thing-but many, in different
countries, proves, Sarton concludes, `that these creations
answered a definite need of the time.’[14]
And that need, he explains, was due to the vast influx of
knowledge in the 12th century, so large learning,
`that systematic methods of education became necessary. In the
meantime the growth of cities had made the application of such
methods at once more tempting and more easy. Thus our
universities appeared in the second half of the 12th
century, and not before, because there had not been sufficient
scope nor opportunity for them until that time, and they
appeared then because the need was suddenly urgent.’[15]
From
the preceding two conclusions can be derived:
First, contrary to what Rashdall and his followers hold, all
Western institutions of higher learning operated for decades, at
least, before they were officially set up.
Second, it was the influx of Islamic learning that was at the
foundation of the origin, and very existence of such
institutions.
And whilst both these
two points have been amply proved, Rashdall and his followers
cannot provide a single piece of evidence to show one single
document establishing such institutions officially at the very
start of their existence. They can neither provide one single
piece of evidence showing these universities providing any
advanced teaching prior to the translations from Islam, or
lecturing anything advanced other than what was translated from
Arabic, except in theological sciences.
To
reinforce the points just made, the first university to be
founded at a definite time, by a definite charter in Western
Christendom
was the University of
Naples, founded in 1224 by Frederick II
.[16]
Its other distinction: it was the first university in the
Western world that relied primarily on Islamic learning and
Islamic model of teaching. Lest the learning of the scholars
whom he had assembled should die with their deaths, Durant
holds,[17]Frederick
founded it in 1224, a rare example of a medieval university
established without ecclesiastical sanction.[18]
Frederick’s deep knowledge of the Muslim world, allowed him,
according to Mieli
, to
know and appreciate the Muslim precedents, which explains his
founding of Naples University.[19]
More importantly, Frederick called to its faculty scholars in
all arts and sciences, and paid them high salaries; and he
assigned subsidies to enable poor but qualified students to
attend.[20]
Frederick also established universities in Messina and Padua,
and renovated the old medical school of Salerno
`in accordance with the
advances of Arab medicine.'[21]
Naples was, thus, unique, and Rashdall and his followers, hence,
are telling a major fallacy when they attribute what is proper
and unique to Naples to other Western Christian universities,
when neither Rashdall nor his followers can show an earlier
single piece of evidence of official founding at a precise date
for any such universities. And Naples was unique because it was
the most directly inspired institution from Islamic models,
founded by an Islamic inspired ruler, its teaching based on
Islamic science
,
and its principal function being to disseminate Islamic
learning.
To
demonstrate further both the Islamic pioneering role in higher
learning, and the Islamic impact on the Christian West
, it
is important to address the issue from two distinct angles:
-First to show that institutions of higher learning were
established in Islam centuries before their counterparts in the
Christian West
.
-Second, to show in detail some models of borrowing in the
organisation of the first Western universities from their
Islamic counterparts.
On
the first point (the pioneering aspect), in Islam, there was
some organisation of higher education as early as the beginning
of the 9th century, Watt notes, and by the end of the
11th century, university-type institutions had been
established in most of the chief cities.[22]
Earliest of all, is Bayt al-Hikma (the house of Wisdom), founded
in the 9th century by Caliph Al-Mamun, and which has
in all manners and forms the making of the earliest modern
institution of advanced learning, including scientific
equipment, a translation bureau, and an observatory. Instruction
included rhetoric, logic, metaphysics and theology, algebra,
geometry, trigonometry, physics, biology, medicine, and surgery.[23]
The institution was set up by the Caliph, himself, officially,
and was funded by the central authority. In such an academy
worked or collaborated the most eminent court scholars of the
time: The Banu Musa
Brothers
(mathematicians, and astronomers,) Al-Khwarizmi
;
al-Battani, and so on and so forth.[24]
In the same institution were recorded some of the earliest
Islamic achievements. In astronomy, for instance, there was
determined the position of the solar apogee,[25]the
inclination of the ecliptic,[26]was
calculated the earth circumference,[27]and
were made observations of
solar and lunar eclipses and planetary positions.
Then, of course, are the
university mosques; Watt pointed out (in 1972) that teaching has
been going on continuously for a thousand of years in the
university-mosque of Al-Azhar in Cairo
.[28]
And also at Al-Qarawiyyin (Fes), which dates from the middle of
the 10th century;[29]and
at Al-Qayrawan
even earlier, as some of
the medical texts mentioned above (that were translated by
Constantine the African
)
date from the 9th century.[30]The
curriculum in such places, Nakosteen points out, reminds us in
its extensive and intensive nature of curricular programs of
modern advanced systems of education, particularly on higher
levels of education.[31]
It was not unusual to find instruction in algebra, trigonometry,
geometry, chemistry, physics, astronomy, medicine, pharmacy,
history, geography etc.[32]
Some of the professors of polite literature, Draper notes, gave
lectures on Arabic classical works; others taught rhetoric or
composition, or mathematics, or astronomy.[33]
Specific instances show that astronomy and engineering were
studied at Al-Azhar,[34]
medicine also at Al-Azhar and the mosque of Ibn Tulun in Egypt
(9th
century).[35]
At the Qarrawiyyin, were dispensed courses on grammar, rhetoric,
logic, elements of mathematics and astronomy,[36]
and possibly history, geography and elements of chemistry.[37]
At Al-Qayrawan and Zaytuna in Tunisia
,
alongside the Quran and jurisprudence were taught grammar,
mathematics, astronomy and medicine.[38]And
these were no subjects of later centuries, quite the opposite.
At Al-Qayrawan, in particular, classes in medicine were
delivered by Ziad Ben Khalfun, Ishak Ben Imran and Ishak Ben
Sulayman (all scholars of the 9th century),[39]whose
works were subsequently translated by Constantine The African in
the 11th century at Salerno
.
And
whilst in the Christian West
,
the name, university, Haskins
notes, eludes search
before the 13th century, when it appears incidentally
in 1208-09 in the letters of a former student (Pope Innocent
III), where, as often in the history of institutions, the name
follows after the thing itself,[40]this
is not the case in Islam. The word `Jamia’ (university in
Arabic) appeared extremely early, and was linked with the first
mosque universities of Islam such as Al-Qarrawiyyin in Fes,
Al-Azhar in Cairo
,
Al-Qayrawan mosque, etc.[41]Jamia
derives precisely from Jamaa (mosque), the two institutions,
thus, having intricate links in curriculum and in name.[42]
And
the same mosque/university linkage observed with respect to
student organisation. The number of students at al-Azhar always
included hundreds of foreign students, many from far distant
lands; students who did not have homes in Cairo
were assigned to a
residential unit, which was endowed to care for them.[43]
Generally, the unit gave the resident students free bread, which
supplemented food given to them by their families, whilst better
off students could afford to live in lodgings near the mosque.
Every large unit also included a library, kitchen and lavatory,
and some space for furniture.[44]At
the Qarrawiyyin (Fes), students were given monetary allowances
periodically.[45]There,
students lived in residential quadrangles, which contained two
and three story buildings of varying sizes, accommodating
between sixty and a hundred and fifty students, all also
receiving a minimal assistance for food and accommodation.[46]
With
regard to the second point, the Islamic impact in relation to
organisation, is visible in all form, structure and also methods
of teaching and examination, which are seen in turn.
Ribera insists that in their structure and organisation, Western
universities were based on the Nizamiyah madrasa (college)
founded by the Seljuk minister in 1065 in Baghdad
.[47]
The students often lived in boarding houses (khan) under
supervision of their teacher and employed an inkwell as a
symbol.[48]A
chapel and a library, as well as residential arrangements for
students and teachers were a distinct feature of the madrasas,
the precursors of the residential colleges of British
universities.[49]
The Studia of medieval Europe, according to Hossein, were just
imitations of madrasas both in their name and free growth, and
that `the great Muslim madrassah was also the archetype of the
Studium General which, with the later requisite of the royal or
papal authorization, came to be known as university in Europe.'[50]
In going back to the origins, Makdisi points out, as it first
appeared in Paris, Oxford and elsewhere, the college was a
previous product of Islam; and that, in Merton College in
Oxford, `we have a watershed in the history of the college.’[51]
Merton stands as a dividing point between the college of Islam
on the one hand, and that of the United States on the other.[52]
Both
Islamic pioneering role and impact are also found in the manner
of teaching. At the madrasas, centuries before Abelard, the
dialectical method (jadal) was employed in disputations
(munazara).[53]
The different opinions were enumerated (khilaf), a consensus
(ijma) was sought in order to harmonise reason with faith. In
teaching, the dictation method was used, as teaching was
synonymous with dictation (imla).[54]
Classes were directed by a mudarris, who can be compared to a
professor, with `naib' (substitute professor,) and also a muid
who acts as a `drill master,' the latter repeating the teachings
of the professor like a `repetiteur' of Western universities.
From these institutions many of the practices observed in
Western colleges were derived, says Draper.[55]
They held commencements, at which poems were read and orations
delivered in presence of the public.[56]
Whilst going through the Azhar mosque during professorial
lectures, Le Bon notes, `it seemed a magic stick had taken me
back to our old 13th century universities. The same
confusion in the theology and literary studies, same methods,
same organisation of students gathered in corporations, and
benefiting of the same immunities and franchises.’[57]
Thus,
Gerard of Cremona
,
the first university lecturer, most probably in the first
Western university, Toledo
,[58]
was being heckled, but was not troubled, for we find him
conducting his collegium like a Muslim faqih (learned religious
person), anticipating counterarguments and sharpening his points
in a lively encounter with his students.[59]
In Paris, students sat on the floor, covered with straw, whilst
a professor lectured from a platform.
[60]
A
major step in the advance of higher learning was the
introduction of a system of examination and diplomas, and here,
again, was the primary role of the Islamic system and its
impact. It was under Roger II of Sicily
,
who was deeply influenced by Islamic antecedents and culture,
that was pioneered the foundation and establishment of medical
faculties and the granting of medical degrees. In 1140, he
enacted that everyone who desired to practice medicine must,
under pain of imprisonment and confiscation of goods, present
himself before a magistrate and obtain authorization.[61]Roger
introduced examination by experienced physicians of all
candidates for the profession of medicine and surgery,
restricting those whose learning was deficient to `the
clandestine ministrations of the shrine and the confessional.’[62]
Other rulers of Western Christendom followed his example, and
these measures ultimately led to the specialization of the study
of medicine and the granting of degrees by the medical faculties
of universities.[63]
The inception of the idea of the regularization of medical
practice by Roger of Sicily was probably related to his
`Arabist’ leanings, for the Arabs
had a system of
licensing in vogue in the centuries previously.[64]
It is necessary to remember that it was in 931, that Caliph
al-Muqtadir ordered that physicians had to have licence before
setting up practice.[65]
The beginnings of the
system of medical examinations, thus, are to be sought among the
`Arabs.’[66]Obtaining
a certificate was also the practice in even the earliest mosque
study, and as a rule, once a
student had been able to collect certificates from a number of
teachers, he was in position to seek employment in a mosque,
college, law court, government office or village school.[67]
Also
amongst others, Islam pioneered and influenced the West and the
course of university scholarship in the doctoral thesis and its
defence, and in the peer review of scholarly work based on the
concensus of peers.[68]
A characteristic of the teaching in Islamic schools of Spain was
that `dialectic tournaments' were customary among the students
and also among the teachers; this practice was introduced with
renewed vigour among the High scholastics of Medieval Europe,
through the Western Caliphate.[69]
The practice of these disputations was thus not entirely a new
idea to the Latin
West, and it is to this
custom that we owe the modern practice of demanding Theses and
Dissertations from aspirants to University Honours.[70]
And it is only in 1270 that we first find formal degrees
granted by Bologna.[71]After
having well studied his
trivium, the candidate for the Baccalaureat underwent an
examination, and had to enter into arguments upon grammar,
rhetoric, and dialectics.[72]
The title of doctor of medicine, first used by Giles of Corbeil
with reference to Salernitan graduates (when Salerno
was then under the rule
of Frederick) became the badge of honour of the most learned
physicians, and graduation ceremonies were made as impressive as
possible.[73]
More
on these matters can be found expanded upon by Makdisi.[74]
Bringing the two main sources, or traits, of Islamic influence
on the West (via learning, and models and organisation of
learning) is the 12th century Toledan experience.
Toledo
supplied the Christian
West
with learning more than
any other place did before in history through the translations
effected there. It
was also Gerard's (of Cremona) fame as a teacher and expounder
of Islamic science
that gave Toledo its
international stature and fame, says Metlitzki.[75]
Daniel (of Morley) found him lecturing to a body of students,
just like his Muslim predecessors, at the Toledo Mosque, which
shows that Toledo was the first de facto university in Christian
Spain, though it was not an official
studium generale.[76]
Daniel's eyewitness account of the proceedings is a unique
medieval document, Metlitzki observes; the effects of which,
even on the intellectual climate of medieval England
,
remain to be fully investigated.[77]And
when he left Toledo, Daniel, on his return to England did not
just take with him `a precious multitude of books,’ but, most
importantly, in order `to explain the teaching of Toledo to
Bishop John of Norwich (1175-1200),’[78]he
wrote his De philosophia.[79]
[1]
J. Ribera: Disertaciones y opusculos; 2 vols.
Madrid 1928.
[2]
H. Rashdall: The Universities
of Europe in the
Middle Ages, New edition by F.M Powicke and A.B. Emden,
3 Vols. Oxford University Press, 1936; pp 536-39
[3]
Ibid.
[4]
For instance: A.B. Cobban: The Medieval Universities
, their Organization and their Development;
Methuen; London; 1975.
[5]
C.H. Haskins
: The Renaissance
; op cit; p.65.
[6]
M McVaugh: Medical Knowledge at the time of Frederick II
, in Micrologus; Sciences at the Court of Frederick II;
op cit; pp 3-17; p.3.
[7]
G. Sarton
: Introduction; op cit; Vol II. p.351.
[8]
Ibid.
[9]
M. Clagett: The Growth; op cit; pp.79-80.
[10]
Ibid.
[11]
Ibid.
[12]
C.H. Haskins
: The Renaissance
; op cit; p.381.
[13]
G. Sarton
: Introduction, op cit; Vol II, p.285.
[14]
Ibid.
[15]
Ibid.
[16]
G. Sarton
: Introduction, vol 2; p. 575.
[17]
W. Durant: The Age of Faith; op cit; p. 720.
[18]
Ibid.
[19]
A. Mieli
: La Science Arabe; op cit; p. 228.
[20]
W. Durant: The Age of Faith; op cit; p. 720.
[21]
R.
Briffault: The Making, op cit, p. 213.
[22]
W. Montgomery Watt: The Influence; op cit; p. 12.
[23]
F.B. Artz: The
Mind, op cit; p. 151.
[24]
See: R. Briffault: The Making; op cit; pp. 187 fwd.
[25]
W. Hartner: The Role of Observations in Ancient and
Medieval Astronomy; in The Journal of History of
Astronomy
; Vol 8; 1977; pp 1-11; at p. 8.
[26]
J.L.E. Dreyer
: A History; op cit; p.246.
[27]
M. A. Kettani:
Science and Technology
in Islam: The
underlying value system, in
The Touch of
Midas; Science, Values, and Environment in Islam and the
West; Z. Sardar ed: Manchester University Press,
1984, pp 66-90.
p. 75.
[28]
W. Montgomery Watt: The Influence; op cit; p. 12.
[29]
R Landau, The Karaouine at Fes
The Muslim World
48 (April 1958): pp. 104-12.
M. Alwaye:
`Al-Azhar...in thousand years.' Majallatu'l Azhar:
(Al-Azhar Magazine, English Section 48 (July 1976): pp.
1-6.
[30]
See Entries on Al-Qayrawan, Encyclopaedia of Islam;
Brill; Leyden; first or second editions.
[31]
M. Nakosteen: History of Islamic; op cit;p.52.
[32]
Ibid.
[33]
J.W. Draper: A History; op cit; Vol II;
p.36.
[34]
M. Alwaye:
`Al-Azhar; op cit.
[35]
J. Pedersen:. `Some aspects of the history of the
madrassa' Islamic
Culture
3 (October 1929)
pp 525-37, p. 527.
[36]
R. Le Tourneau:
Fes in the Age of the Merinids, tr from French by
B.A. Clement, University of Oklahoma Press, 1961, p.
122.
[37]
Ibid.
[38]
H. Djait et al:
Histoire de la Tunisie (le Moyen Age); Societe
Tunisienne de Difusion, Tunis; p. 378.
[39]
Al-Bakri, Massalik, 24; Ibn Abi Usaybi'a, Uyun
al-anba, ed. and tr A. Nourredine and H. Jahier,
Algiers 1958, 2.9, in M. Talbi: Al-Qayrawan
; in Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol IV, pp 829-30.
[40]
C.H. Haskins
: The Renaissance
; op cit; p.381.
[41]
See for instance:
B Dodge: Muslim Education in Medieval Times, The
Middle East
Institute,
Washington, D.C. 1962.
Rom Landau, The Karaouine at Fes, op cit.
A.H. Tazi: La
Mosque Al-Quaraouiyyine, 3 vols, edt Dar al-Kitab
Allubnani, Lebanon, 1973.
-R. Le Tourneau:
Fes avant le protectorat (Societe Maroccaine de
Librairie et d'Edition, Casablanca, 1947, pp. 453-471).
M. Alwaye: `Al-Azhar...in thousand years; op cit.
[42]
J. Waardenburg: Some institutional Aspects of Muslim
Higher Education and their relation to Islam. Nvmen:
International Review for the History of Religion 12
(April 1965) pp.96-138.
[43]
B. Dodge: Muslim Education, op cit, pp 26-7.
[44]
Ibid. pp 26-7, in particular.
[45]
J. Waardenburg: `Some institutional..' op cit,
p: 109.
[46]
B. Dodge, Muslim Education, op cit, p 27.
[47]
J. Ribera: Origen del Colegio Nidami de Baghdad
en Disetaciones
y opusculos, vol I; see A. Mieli
: La Science Arabe etc; op cit; p.145.
[48]
F. Reichmann: The Sources of Western Literacy;
Greenwood Press; London; 1980. p.207.
[49]
S.M Hossain: A Plea for a Modern Islamic University:
Resolution of the Dichotomy. in Aims and Objectives
of Islamic education: S.M. al-Naquib al-Attas edt;
Hodder and Stoughton; 1977. pp 91-103. P. 101.
[50]
Ibid. pp 101-2.
[51]
George Makdisi: On the origin and development of the
College in Islam and the West, in Islam and the
Medieval West; (Semaan ed): pp 26-49;
at. p.28.
[52]
Ibid.
[53]
F. Reichmann: The Sources. op cit;
p.207.
[54]
F. Reichmann: The Sources. op cit; p.207.
[55]
J.W. Draper: A History; op cit; Vol II; op cit; p.36.
[56]
Ibid.
[57]
G. Le Bon, La Civilisation des Arabes; op cit; p.336
[58]
D. Metlitzki: The
Matter of Araby;
op cit; p.37.
[59]
Ibid.
[60]
W.K. Ferguson: A Survey of European Civilisation,
London, George Allen and Unwin. p.277
[61]
D. Campbell: Arabian Medicine; op cit; p.119.
[62]
S.P. Scott: History; op cit;
vol 3; p. 26.
[63]
D. Campbell: Arabian mMdicine; p.119.
[64]
Ibid.
[65]
Abu al-Faraj Bar Hebraeus: Tarikh mukhtasar ad-Dual;
ed. Antun as-Salihani; Beirut, 1890; pp 281-2; in S.K
Hamarneh: Health and Sciences in Early Islam,
edited by M.A. Anees, Noor Health Foundation and Zahra
Publicaations; 1983, edt Vol 1, at p. 98.
[66]
T. Pushmann: History of Medical Education from the
most remote to the most recent times, trans and
edited by E.H. Hare (London, 1891); p. 181.
[67]
B. Dodge: Muslim Education; op cit; p. 25.
[68]
G. Makdisi: The Rise of humanism, op cit; p.350.
[69]
D. Campbell: Arabian medicine; op cit; p.58.
[70]
Ibid. p.59.
[71]
M McVaugh: Medical Knowledge at the time of Frederick II
, in Micrologus; op cit; pp 3-17:p.3.
[72]
P. Lacroix: Science and Literature; op cit; p.16.
[73]
G. Sarton
: Introduction, op cit; Vol II, p.96.
[74]
In G. Makdisi: The Rise of Humanism, op cit; especially
the last chapters.
[75]
D. Metlitzki: The
Matter of Araby;
op cit; p.37.
[76]
Ibid.
[77]
Ibid.
[78]
C.H. Haskins
: The Reception of Arabic science
in England
; English Historical Review; Vol xxx; London;
1915; pp. 56-69. pp. 67-8.
[79]
J.K. Wright: The Geographical Lore; op cit; p. 97. |