Faith, Faiths and Islamic Learning
The
Prophet is quoted as saying:
‘Acquire knowledge because he who acquires it in the way of the
Lord performs an act of piety; who speaks of it praises the
Lord; who seeks it, adores God; who dispenses instruction in it,
bestow alms; and who imparts it to its fitting objects, performs
an act of devotion to God. Knowledge enables its possessor to
distinguish what is forbidden from what is not; it lights the
way to heaven; it is our friend in the desert, our society in
solitude, our companion when bereft of friends; it guides us to
happiness, it sustains us in misery; it is our ornament in the
company of friends; it serves as an armour against the enemies.
With knowledge, the servant of God rises to the heights of
goodness and to a noble position, associates with sovereigns in
this world, and attains to the perfection of happiness in the
next.'[1]
The
Prophet reiterates this message in countless circumstances:
‘There is nothing greater in the eyes of God than a man who has
learned a science and who has taught it to people.’
‘The
bearers of knowledge are the successors to the prophets in this
world and the martyrs in the Hereafter.’
‘Scholars and teachers are partners in reward, and there are no
better people than they.’
‘The
knowledge that is not used is like a treasure from which nothing
is spent. Its possessor laboured in collecting it, but never
benefited from it.’
‘And
if God directs you to one single man [who is learned], it is
better for you than the whole world and all in it.’[2]
The
acquisition of knowledge, thus, Kramers notes, was in the first
place a compliance with a religious command, but at the same
time it had to serve the transmission of knowledge to others,
and the complete fulfilment of the divine command of ‘exhorting
to good and admonishing against evil.’[3]
So the scholar was at the same time a teacher, a ‘doctor’, and
his school was that original centre of political and religious
life in Islam: the mosque.[4]
There is no branch of Muslim intellectual life, of Muslim
religious and political life, of the daily life of the average
Muslim that remained untouched by the all pervasive attitude
towards ‘knowledge' as something of supreme value for the
Muslim.[5]
‘Ilm
(science/learning/knowledge),’ says Rosenthal, ‘is Islam.'[6]
Religion dominated learning in the Christian world, too: all
aspects of society were permeated by religion, the emphasis
clearly seen in the intellectual and cultural life of the
period.[7]
But there were fundamental differences with Islam.
First, Western education was almost the exclusive province of
the clergy. Devons outlines how Grosseteste's disciple, Roger
Bacon was the Franciscan ‘Dr Mirabilis' of Oxford and Paris; the
renowned Albertus Magnus
‘Dr Universalis' of Cologne, Provincial of the German
Dominican Order and Bishop of Ratisbon.
Albertus’ disciple, Witelo, was a Silesian Dominican at
the Papal court at Viterbo; John of Peckham was Archbishop of
Canterbury; Theodoric of Freiberg a Dominican leader of German
preachers, etc.[8]
In Islam, in contrast, it was not just that other faiths and
groups were part of the intellectual upsurge, but also, and most
importantly, the scholars of Islam, with rare exceptions, had no
official links with the faith (e.g as Imams, or religious
scholars.)[9]
Secondly, in the Christian West, medieval education, music, art,
and architecture were motivated by, permeated with, or
channelled into religious goals, and the most highly regarded
branch of learning ‘the Queen of the Sciences,' as it was
called-was theology, the study of doctrines concerning God.[10]
Painting and sculpture dealt mainly with religious subjects; the
most magnificent, most costly buildings constructed were
churches and cathedrals, and for the medieval period, then, the
Latin
phrase
ad maiorem Dei gloriam
(to the greater glory of God) was meaningful and relevant for
all activities, notes Geanakoplos.[11]
The opposite was the case of Islam. Although God’s guidance was
always sought, and each and every work opened with the customary
‘In the name of God the gracious and merciful,’ matters
addressed were remarkably endless in scope and diversity. They
included all the sciences, as will be extensively shown in the
next part, and more importantly, they applied to very practical,
earthly matters. Moreover, although faith driven, Islamic
learning was not restricted by the faith. It provided absolute
freedom to study, a boon which was enjoyed only by those who
lived under the shadow of ‘the Arab empire.’[12]
Even the Greeks did not accord such freedom as did the Muslims.
Did not the Greeks condemn Socrates to drain a lethal draught on
the grounds that he was corrupting youth by training them to
think? asks Farukh.
[13]
Profoundly affecting the civilisation of Islam is its multi
ethnic and multi faith character.
‘Of
all world religions, Islam has been most successful in
overriding barriers of colour and nationality. No line is drawn
except between believers and unbelievers,’ [says Artz.][14]
Islamic thinking made for a greater mingling of races; there was
in it no conception of nationhood as distinct from the religious
community.[15]
‘For the first time in history,’ [says Sabra] ‘science became
international on a really wide scale and one language, Arabic,
became its vehicle. A large number of scholars belonging to
different nations and professing different beliefs collaborated
in the process of moulding into this one language materials
which had previously existed in Greek, Syriac, Persian or
Sanskrit. It is this enduring character of the scientific
enterprise in medieval Islam which is being emphasised when the
phrase ‘Arabic science' is used.’[16]
Arabic science is a misnomer. Indeed, its scholars were mostly
non Arabs: Turks
, Berbers
, Iranians, Spanish Muslims and non Muslims, white and black,
and Chinese, too. Even
the ‘great masters’ of the Arabic language were not of Arab
ancestry.[17]
Thus, ‘Arabic civilisation becomes Muslim civilisation.’[18]
Islamic civilisation, in its glory centuries, brought together
Muslims, Christians and Jews,[19]
all under the mantle of Islam.
The Great virtue of the
Arabs, Hyams points out, was that they gave the diverse people
under their aegis a chance to do their best.[20]
Sarton’s prolific Introduction to the History of
Science is an excellent window on this amalgam of ethnic
groups, but most of all on all faiths that met on the Muslim
scientific ground.[21]
Commenting on this, he observes:
‘The
great racial and cultural complexity of Islam, even in those
early days, is a very curious spectacle. How strong must the
religious bond have been to keep together such disparate
elements! to begin with, the Abbasid court was entirely
permeated with foreign influences-Persian, Jewish, and
Nestorians.’
[22]
Again, this tradition of opening up to other faiths goes back to
the early example set by the Prophet, and in Islam, Sunni Islam
above all, the Qur’an, and the example set by the Prophet are
the two guiding principles. Hence, the first Muslim physician we
have any record of is Harith Ibn Kalada al-Thakeshi, born near
Makkah, who, after practicing medicine for many years in
Indeed. Islam earliest and
most prominent scientists at the Abbasid court, Ishaq Ibn Hunayn
and Hunayn Ibn Ishaq were Nestorian Christians. Thabit Ibn
Qurrah, the astronomer, was a Sabean. The Bakhishtu family who
held most prominent positions in the court in the 9th
century were Christians, too, and so was the historian-physicist
Abu’l Faraj. So were others of the same profession: Ali Ibn
Ridwan, Ibn Djazla of
There seems to be a major deficiency in the multi-ethnic
character of Islamic civilisation, though, as Sarton points out:
‘Although the Persians had introduced into the Caliphate a
greater love of beauty, urbanity, intellectual curiosity, and
much fondness for discussion, all favourable to the progress of
science, free thought was often followed by libertinage and
immorality. No wonder that the genuine Arabs looked down upon
the Persian intruders even as the old Romans looked down upon
the Greeks. The fact is that every civilisation acts as a poison
upon those who have not been properly inoculated; it would act
that way even were it perfectly pure and did not contain (as it
always does) evil elements. The Arabic strength and virtue were
gradually undermined by Persian urbanity.’[26]
Sarton’s point, that the Persians undermined Arabic strength,
somehow runs against the opinions of those who grant the
Persians all good part in the Islamic civilisation. In response
to Sarton’s point, the undermining of Arabic strength lies not
in this Persian intrusion nor in the so called Turkish
intrusion nor in the
Berber intrusion (all sorts of intrusions and their impact will
be examined in the final part of this work). All these ethnic
groups, Persians, Turks
,
Berbers
etc, had their points of
strengths and weaknesses. They gave Islam and Islamic
civilisation a huge amount, but not everything. The Muslims
became corrupt in urbanity, their harems and the like, not just
where the Persians had an influence, but all over the Muslim
world, even in Muslim Spain, which had little Persian influence
in its midst. As for the maligned Berbers and Turks, it was they
who fought the most decisive battles that saved the Islamic
world from the crusaders and Mongols. The real, the true
intrusion that truly destroyed Islamic civilisation was the 13th
century combined Crusade-Mongol concerted push, one from the
east and the other from the west.[27]
This assault did not just cause destruction, slaughter and
mayhem; it led above all the Islamic realm to alter its
priorities: fighting for survival, instead of scholarly
creativity. This matter will be returned to in great detail in
the final part of this work.
[1]
Qoted by Syed Ameer Ali: The Spirit of Islam
(rev. ed.;
[2]
Ibn Khayr: Fahrasah; Ed F. Codera and J. Ribera
(Saragossa; 1893; Baghdad
; 1963), in A. Chejne: Muslim
[3]
J.H. Kramers:
Sciences in Islamic Civilisation.
Analecta Orientalia: Posthumous Writings and
Selected Minor Works of J.H. Kramers; Vol 2 (Leiden;
Brill; 1956), p.86.
[4]
Ibid.
[5]
F. Rosenthal: Knowledge Triumphant; op cit;
p. 2.
[6]
Ibid.
[7]
D. J. Geanakoplos: Medieval Western Civilisation, and
the Byzantine and Islamic Worlds (D.C. Heath and
Company, Toronto, 1979), p.307
[8]
S. Devons: Optics
through the eyes of the medieval Churchmen; in
Science and Technology
in Medieval
Society:
Edition Pamela O Long: Annals of the New York Academy
of Sciences, vol 441 (New York, 1985), pp 205-24; at
p. 206.
[9]
See entries on Muslim scholars in Dictionary of
Scientific Biography; op cit.
[10]
D. J. Geanakoplos: Medieval Western Civilisation,
op cit; p.307.
[11]
Ibid.
[12]
O.A. Farukh: The Arab Genius in Science and
Philosophy (American Council of Learned Societies,
Washington, D.C, 1954), p.10.
[13]
Ibid.
[14]
F.B. Artz: The Mind; op cit; p. 140.
[15]
G. Wiet et al:
History; op cit; p.545.
[16]
A.I. Sabra: The Scientific Enterprise; in Islam and
the Arab World; ed by
B. Lewis (
[17]
G.E. Von Grunebaum: Medieval Islam, op cit;
p.201.
[18]
Ibid.
[19]
S. Pines: Studies in Arabic Versions of Greek Texts
and in Mediaeval Science (The Magnes Press, Brill,
Leiden, 1986), p.354
[20]
E. Hyams: A History of Gardens
and Gardening
; op cit; p. 82.
[21]
G. Sarton: Introduction; op cit.
[22]
Ibid; vol I,
at p.524.
[23]
R.H. Major: A History of Medicine; 2 vols
(Blackwell;
[24]
G. Sarton: Introduction; op cit.
[25]
J.W. Draper: A History of the Intellectual
Development, op cit;
vol 2; p.36.
[26]
G. Sarton:
Introduction; op cit; p.524.
[27]
See, for instance,
-Baron G. D’Ohsson: Histoire des Mongols; op cit.
-J.J. Saunders: Aspects of the Crusades
(University of Canterbury Publishing; Canterbury; 1962).
-P. Pelliot: Mongols and Popes; 13th and
14th Centuries ( |