Other Aspects of Islamic Impact
As Watson
notes:
`In the vast
literature of irrigation history may be found assertions which tend to
minimise or even discredit, the contribution of early Islamic times to
the development of irrigated agriculture, particularly in Spain, North
Africa and the Levant. Thus Ribera Y Tarrago, writing in a long
tradition which belittles the Muslim legacy in Spain, argues that the
irrigation system of the Huerta of Valencia
is pre-Islamic, principally on
the ground that it does not resemble the undoubtedly Muslim system in
the region of Marrakech![1]
In North Africa, Gauckler following the previous practice of European
scholars writing on the region, assigned virtually all the ruined
irrigation works of Tunisia
to the Romans,[2]
an error the enormity of which was finally pointed out in Solignac,
whose careful work is a model of this kind of investigation.[3]
In Libya, the qanawat (underground tunnels) of the desert were
attributed by Beadnell to the Romans,[4]
whereas they are almost certainly Islamic. Again, for the Levant, one
reads in Benvenisti that `with the Arab conquest a period of decline and
decay in irrigated agriculture began.’[5]
Such assertions need not be taken seriously. To prove for a particular
region whether in early Islamic times irrigated agriculture had
progressed beyond its classical antecedents requires very careful
analysis, and the results may not be unambiguous.’[6]
And, the following serves to confirm Watson
’s conclusions.
Irrigation
Conservation
and scrupulous management of water in the civilisation of Islam is
evident in scholarly theory, all of the
Kitab al-Filahat (book of
agriculture), whichever their geographical origin, insisting
meticulously on the deployment of equipment and on the control of water.[1]
Serjeant also notes that a considerable part of Islamic legal books is
devoted to water law-which has hardly been studied in Europe to any
appreciable extent.[2]The
same Islamic attention and care for the resource is obvious on the
ground, and it led to many Islamic breakthroughs in the field of
irrigation as the following amply shows.
One of the
first Islamic contributions was to make considerable improvements to the
irrigation system legated by the Romans,[3]some
important developments taking place in the Western Mediterranean.[4]
The Muslims devised new techniques to catch, channel, store and lift the
water, besides making ingenious combinations of available devices,[5]
adapted to specific natural conditions.[6]They
also introduced techniques in river drainage, and irrigation by systems
of branch channels with an efficient distribution of the available
water.[7]
Other Islamic accomplishments are studied by Glick.[8]
Such changes cheapened irrigation, and consequently brought into
production lands previously impossible or uneconomic to irrigate.[9]
Irrigated fields, in turn, yielded as many as four harvests yearly,[10]
which, as in Spain, laid the foundations for the country’s prosperity.[11]
The Yemenis
certainly played a leading role in many such innovations. Of all Arabia,
Serjeant notes, the Yemen
is the province which has the
most highly developed irrigation systems, terraced mountain sides
running from the top to the foot of high mountains, great masonry
cisterns, and skill in the control of flood waters that may be
unequalled.[12]
So many south Arabians, to judge by their names, Tujibi, Himyari, Kindi,
Ma’afiri, settled in Spain that is attractive also to think that they
may have influenced the development of the mountain districts of Spain.[13]
The earliest agents of
diffusion of Islamic techniques to neighbouring Christian parts,
however, were the Mozarabs.
It is they who diffused waterwheels which they carried as early as the 9th
and 10th century in the Asturias.[14]Other
elements of this Mozarab influence are also prevalent in 887 in the
documentation of the Monastery of San Vicente de Ovideo, with
expressions relating technical terms from Andalusia
referring to agricultural
techniques of irrigation in the Valley of the Nalon.[15]
Muslims,
themselves, played a leading role, too, in such diffusion.
Following the Christian re-conquest of Spain in the 13th
century, all Christian farmers had to do, for generations and centuries
to follow, Liazu tells, was to widen the irrigation system and the land
reclamation techniques inherited from the Muslims.[16]
Reclaiming lands taken from Muslims or from a hostile nature, would not
have been possible without Islamic know how in mastering irrigation, nor
without the use of skilled Muslim labour.[17]
Generally, Islamic irrigation systems, Glick points out, were maintained
intact, and in the case of large, interlocking regional systems with
long canals and complicated distribution procedures, the Christians had
to take pains to learn the customs from the indigenous population.[18]
In the Crown of Aragón the procedure was for a nobleman to hold an
inquest at which Muslim irrigators would explain how the system worked
and then to issue an ordinance continuing the customary arrangements.[19]
Thus in 1106 Fortún Aznárez issued a disposition concerning the
distribution of the water of the Irués canal, near Tarazona, based on
how the water "used to run in the time of the Moors and as he discovered
the truth ... from old Moors."[20]
The document then describes the system of turns among hamlets on the
canal, the word for "turn" expressed with the Arabism `adowr.’ The canal
was administered by Muslim style officials: the çavacequias (sâhib
al-sâqiya) (The master of the canal) of the city of Tarazona and the
local alamis (from Arabic amîn), who oversaw the day-to-day functioning
of the canal.[21]
The `Syrian-style’ distribution system continued unchanged, and in many
towns along the eastern coast, a standard stipulation was that water
distribution arrangements should continue as they had been "in the time
of the Moors."[22]
A Muslim
legacy of note is the noria (a water-raising device using chains and
buckets), which had revolutionary consequences upon agricultural
productivity. Because it
was relatively inexpensive to build and simple to maintain, the noria
enabled the development of entire huertas that were intensively
irrigated.[23]In
Cordoba, al-Shaqundi (13th century) speaks of 5000 norias
(possibly including both lifting and milling devices) on the
Guadalquivir.[24]
Some are still in use, to this day, as at La Nora, six km from the
Murcia city centre, where although the original wheel has been replaced
by a steel one, the Muslim system is otherwise virtually unchanged.[25]The
big water wheels at Toledo
also date back to the Muslims.
This heritage was eventually taken over by the Christian conquerors who
diffused it widely in their colonies.[26]
The noria had a much wider impact as Glick explains.
Because of
its universality, the noria became the model and point of reference for
all geared machines.[27]
In a treatise on clocks prepared for Alfonso the Wise, Isaac ibn Sid
(Ben Cid) first describes the construction of a main wheel, by
fashioning four arms to be assembled in the form of a cross, "just like
norias are made;" the equalizing and bell wheels are then to be
constructed in the manner of an aceña, the paradigm of a dentate wheel
(cena=tooth in Arabic).[28]
Also
inherited from the Muslims is their strict system of water management.
All disputes and violations of laws on water were dealt with by a
court-whose judges were chosen by the farmers themselves, this court
named The Tribunal of the Waters, which sat on Thursdays at the door of
the principal mosque; ten centuries later, the same tribunal still sits
in Valencia
, but at the
door of the cathedral.[29]
Landowners sit every Friday outside the cathedral of Valencia and there
complaints are heard by judges, and nothing is written down, which so
exactly corresponds to how customary law in irrigation is managed in
Arabia.[30]The
Christian conquerors have also kept Muslim legislation in matters of
irrigation as shown by various documents, such as document No 101 `hec
est carta del agua de Hyruese... como deve andas at como andava en
tiempo de Moros'.[31]
Another
Islamic legacy to our day are the so many engineering structures.[32]
Muslim dams had hardly had any repair in a thousand years,[33]
still meeting the irrigation needs of Valencia
, requiring
no addition to the system.[34]
According to Oliver Asin’s Historia del nombre, Madrid seems to
have presented a good case for the Muslims having made it possible to
develop what has become the city of Madrid by introducing a sort of
qanat system to supply the district with water.[35]Parts
of this apparently still exist, and Asin links the actual name Madrid to
it.[36]
Linguistically, there is a considerable amount of Arabic words in the
Spanish
vocabulary related to
irrigation; expressions such as: Acequia: canal of irrigation; Alberca:
Artificial reservoir. Aljibe: Container; arcaduz: water conduct; Azuda:
water wheel; almatriche: canal; alcorque: hole dug in front of tree for
irrigation purpose….[37]
And the same legacy is noted in Sicily
, philology
allowing the tracing of Arabic etymology to Sicilian vocabulary related
to irrigation.[38]
[1]
L. Bolens, Irrigation in Encyclopaedia (Selin ed), op cit, pp.
450-2; at p. 451.
[2]
R. B. Serjeant: Agriculture
and Horticulture: Some
cultural interchanges of the medieval Arabs
and Europe; in
Convegno Internationale; op cit; pp. 535-41. p. 537.
[3]
W.M. Watt: l’Influence;
op cit; p. 32.
[4]
R.J. Forbes: Studies in
Ancient Technology; vol II, second revised edition, Leiden,
E.J Brill, 1965, p. 49.
[5]
T. Glick: Islamic and Christian Spain; op cit; D.R. Hill
: Islamic Science; op cit; etc.
[6]
E. Levi Provencal:
Histoire de l’Espagne Musulmane; op cit, p. 279.
[7]
R.J. Forbes: Studies in
Ancient technology;
op cit; p. 49.
[8]
T. Glick:
Irrigation and Hydraulic Technology: Medieval Spain and its
Legacy, Variorum, Aldershot, 1996.
[9]
A.M. Watson
: Agricultural innovation, op cit, p. 104.
[10]
T. Glick: Islamic and Christian Spain, op cit. P. 75.
[11]
D.R. Hill
: Islamic Science
; op cit; p. 161.
[12]
R. B. Serjeant: Agriculture
and Horticulture; op
cit; p. 537.
[13]
Ibid.
[14]
V. Lagardere:
Moulins d'Occident Musulman; op cit; p.63.
[15]
Aguade Nieto, S., De la sociedad arcaica a la sociedad
campesina en la Asturias medieval, Universidad de Alcala de
Henares, 1988, p. 156.
[16]Jean
Guy Liauzu: Un Aspect de la reconquete de la valee de l'Ebre au
XI et Xii siecle: l'Agriculture
irriguee et l'heritage
de l'Islam: Hesperis Tamuda:Vol 5 (1964):pp 5-13: p.13.
[17]
Jean Guy Liauzu:
Un Aspect de la reconquete; p.13.
[18]
T. Glick: Islamic and Christian Spain; op cit; p. 100.
[19]
Ibid.
[20]
Ibid.
[21]
Ibid.
[22]
Ibid. p. 101.
[23]
T. Glick: Islamic and Christian Spain; op cit, p. 74.
[24]
Al-Saqundi: Elogio del Islam espanol, p. 105; in T. Glick:
Islamic, op cit, p.75.
[25]
D.R. Hill
: Islamic Science, op cit, pp. 97.
[26]
R.J. Forbes:
Studies in Ancient Technology; vol II; op cit.p. 49.
[27]
T. Glick: Islamic and Christian Spain; op cit; p. 238.
[28]
J A Sánchez Pérez: La personalidad cieníifica y los relojes de
A1fonso X el Sabio; Murcia: Academic Alfonso X
el Sabio, 1955, pp. 21-4
in T. Glick: Islamic and Christian Spain; op cit; p. 238.
[29]
S.P. Scott: History, op cit; vol 3;
pp 602-3.
[30]
R. B. Serjeant: Agriculture
and Horticulture; op
cit; p. 537.
[31]
Jean Guy Liauzu: Un aspect;
op cit; p.9
[32]
D.R. Hill
: Islamic Science, op cit, p. 224:
[33]
S.P. Scot: History; op cit;
vol 3; p. 602.
[34]
N. Smith: A History of
Dams
,
The Chaucer Press, London,1971. p.93.
[35]
R. B. Serjeant: Agriculture
and Horticulture; op
cit; p. 537.
[36]
Ibid.
[37]
See A. Castro: The
Structure of Spanish
History; p. 98 fwd.
[38]
H. Bresc: Les Jardins de Palerme; in In Politique et Societe
en Sicile; XII-Xv em siecle; Variorum; Aldershot; 1990; pp.
55-127; p. 67.
[1]
J. Ribera: Dissertaciones
y opusculos, 2 vols, Madrid, 1928. vol 2;
pp. 309-13.
[2]
P. Gauckler: Enquete sur les Installations hydrauliques
Romaines en Tunisie; 2 Vols; Paris; 1901-2.
[3]
A. Solignac: Recherches sur les installations hydrauliques de
kairaouan et des Steppes Tunisiennes du VII au Xiem siecle, in
Annales de l’Institut des
Etudes Orientales, Algiers, X (1952); 5-273.
[4]
H.J. Beadnell: An Egyptian Oasis; London; 1909; p
167 fwd.
[5]
M. Benvenisti: The Crusaders in the Holy Land; Jerusalem;
1970; P.263.
[6]
A. Watson
:
Agricultural; op cit. Note 34, pp. 193-4.