Introduction and Diffusion of New Crops
In the words of
Wickens, Spain received (apart from a legendary high culture),
and what she in turn transmitted to most of Europe, were all
manner of agricultural and fruit-growing processes, together
with a vast number of new plants, fruit and vegetables that we
all now take for granted.[1]
These new crops included sugar cane, rice, citrus fruit,
apricots, cotton, artichokes, aubergines, saffron... whilst
others, previously known, were developed further.[2]
To these can be added roses and peaches, strawberries, figs,
quinces, spinach, and asparagus, hemp, the mulberry and the silk
worm.[3]
Muslims also brought to that country rice, oranges, sugar
cane and cotton;[4]
sub-tropical crops such as bananas and sugar cane were grown on
the coastal parts of the country,[5]
many to be taken to the Spanish
colonies in the Americas
subsequently. Also owing to the Muslim influence, a silk
industry flourished, flax was cultivated and linen exported, and
esparto grass, which grew wild in the more arid parts, was
collected and turned into various types of articles.[6]
In Sicily
, Lowe holds, practically
all the distinguishing features of Sicilian husbandry were
introduced by the Muslims: citrus, cotton, carob, mulberry,
sugar cane, hemp, date palm, saffron... the list is endless.[7]
`It
would make a whole book, and not the least interesting,’ Carra
de Vaux
insists,
on the history of flowers, plants and
animals that had come from the Orient
, and which are used in agriculture, pharmacy, gardens, luxury
trade, and arts.'[8]
Carra de Vaux lists tulips (Turkish: tulpan,), hyacinths,
narcissi of Constantinople, Lilacs, jasmine of Arabia, and roses
of Shiraz and Ispahan; peaches of Persia, the prunes of Damascus
, and figs of Smyrne. Also listed are the sheep of `Barbary',
goats, Angora cats, Persian coqs; products used for dyeing.[9]
De Vaux then dwells on what he sees `one of the great glories'
of the Arab world: the pure blood Arab horse, stressing the Arab
care and expertise.[10]
Agents of such
diffusion were many and diverse. Muslim rulers, such as Abd
Errahman III (912-961), promoted the culture of the sugar cane,
rice, and the mulberry.[11]
The Yemeni
element, benefiting of
long learned know how and skills in their country of origin, as
they settled in Spain, brought with them their irrigation
techniques, laws and administration, and also new crops and
systems of more intensive land use.[12]
Watson
also speaks of thousands
of mostly unknown individuals from many levels of society who
moved plants over shorter or longer distances for many different
reasons. Whether `Great or humble, they unwillingly collaborated
in a vast undertaking that was to enlarge considerably the range
of useful plants available over a large part of the known world.
They also prepared the stage for still further migration of
these same plants in the early modern era.’[13]
Crucial to
such a diffusion was the frontier-less, unified land of Islam,
which allowed crops (rice, hard wheat, sugar-cane, watermelon,
spinach, lemons, citruses…) to be taken from India and Persia to
the Near East and North Africa, and to Europe. Many crops were
probably found on the Indian sub-continent, such as the province
of Sind, where the Muslims had a foot-hold.[14]
Oman may have been a halfway-house in which new plants were
acclimatised before being passed farther to the north and, of
course, further west.[15]
The eastern part of the Islamic world was thus `the gateway’
through which passed on their westward journey all the crops,
with the exception of the tropical ones, then across the
Maghreb, into Spain, and Sicily
,
and from one Mediterranean island to another.[16]
The
progress of a number of crops in their journey West can be
looked at. Chalots, first, which derive their name from Ascalon
(Cepa Ascalonia), and were imported during the crusades.[17]
Spinach was imported first to Spain, where it was largely
witnessed in the 11th century, from whence it was
diffused to the rest of Europe.[18]
It was one of the earliest such crops to be received into
Europe, but it did not appear until the 13th century when it
seems to have made rapid progress.[19]
Aubergines, which spread into Italy in the 14th
century, came from Muslim Spain.[20]Sorghum,
too, is mentioned in Italy by the late 12th and 13th
centuries, by which time it had arrived in the south of France.[21]
Sour oranges and lemons appear to have spread slowly
through parts of Italy and Spain in the 13th and 14th. Hard
wheat probably appeared in the 13th.[22]
The Romans had imported rice but had never grown it on a large
scale, and it was the Muslims who started growing it on
irrigated fields in Sicily
and Spain, whence it
came to the Pisan plain (1468) and Lombardy (1475).[23]
Other crops which the Muslims either introduced or intensified,
include the mulberry tree and saffron; the first was necessary
for silk worm husbandry and industry; the second, appreciated in
cooking, and also in the medical sciences.[24]
Greater
information on the passage of crops from Islam to Western
Christendom
,
and their impact on both farming and local manufacturing, can be
gleaned by looking at the particular instances of sugar and
cotton.
The
Muslims developed the cultivation of sugar on a large scale.[25]By
the 10thcentury sugar cane was cultivated all over
North Africa (as in other places east), from where, it crossed
into Spain.[26]There
it was cultivated and sugar produced according to all crafts of
the trade.[27]Then
the Muslims acclimated the crop in Sicily
.[28]The
name `massara’ which is given to sugar mills in Sicily is of
course of Arabic origin. Before the crusades, parts of the West,
thus, already had sugar production. Early in the crusades, the
Europeans took over regions where sugar was produced, such as
Tripoli, the first place where they came across the crop, and
where they enjoyed it with delight.[29]Other
Eastern regions where the crusaders came across the crop include
Tyre; Sidon; and Acre. William of Tyre speaks enthusiastically
of the great sugar plantations of Sur.[30]
When the Crusaders took possession of the country, they were
very careful to maintain production which brought them
considerable wealth, such as the Lord of Tyre, who enriched
himself thanks to his sugar plantations.[31]
The Syrians were great experts at refining the product through
an elaborate process to extract sugar.[32]The
Crusaders followed exactly the same processes and methods as the
Muslims, and adapted the same terminology in the manufacturing
process, using massara to describe their mills.[33]
At Tyre, this industry was so prosperous that Frederick II
asked for workers to be
sent to Palermo as the local Sicilians had lost the skills; the
request was made to the Marshall Ricardo Filangieri.[34]
At Acre itself, Muslim prisoners were used for the making of
sugar.[35]After
the fall of the Latin
states in the East, the
plantations and production of sugar were transferred to Cyprus.[36]The
land became covered with sugar cane plantations, especially
around Baffo and Limisso, under the direct control of the local
rulers themselves.[37]
The Cornaro, an illustrious Venetian family, possessed in the
Limisso region vast plantations, whilst the Knights of Rhodes
possessed vast farms on the Colossi lands.[38]Here,
again, it was Muslim craftsmen, Syrian specialists, who were
imported to Cyprus to advise on sugar production.[39]
Between the years 1400 and 1415, about 1,500 Muslims were
captured by the Cypriots from the Sultan of Egypt
;
the King of Cyprus refused to return these on the grounds that
they were essential for the cultivation of sugar cane.[40]
Muslim expertise also spread elsewhere. Marco Polo mentions
Egyptian technical consultants teaching their methods of sugar
refining to the Chinese
in the second half of
the 13th century.[41]
The
progress of cotton, Watson
observes, owes mainly to
the fact that wealthy people copied what had become the manner
of dress of many Egyptians.[42]
The fashion set by the rich was sufficiently widespread, and
hence the demand for cotton was great enough to induce some
landowners and peasants to experiment with its cultivation.[43]
Thus cotton moved from Egypt
farther west, across
North of Africa into Spain and to successive Mediterranean
islands.[44]
Manufacture of cotton was first introduced into Europe by the
Spanish
Muslims during the rule
of Abd Errahman III.[45]
One of the most valuable Spanish applications of cotton was in
the production of cotton paper.[46]
Xativa, as already noted, was the centre of the paper industry
in Spain. The adoption of cotton as a material for the
fabrication of this article of commerce is said to be due to
`the practical genius’ of the artisans of Xativa, who produced
great quantities of paper, much of which, in texture and finish
will compare not unfavourably with that obtained by the most
improved process of modern manufacture.[47]From
Spain, cotton manufacture spread across Europe between the 12th
to the 15th century as far as England
, particularly in the form of fustian, a cheap cotton cloth with
a linen warp, which derives its name from the Cairo
suburb of Fustat.[48]
The
dependency upon Islamic skills in these agro-industries is most
particularly obvious. Any loss of Muslim expertise in one part
of Western Christendom
drives the rulers to
urgently request for expertise from anywhere Muslims could be
found. Hence, in Sicily
,
following the upheavals that affected the island in the mid to
late 12th century,[49]
the skills of growing henna, indigo and refining sugar had
disappeared as Muslims took flight from the land they cultivated
and some left the island altogether. Frederick II
,
for instance, had to send to the Levant for `duos hominess qui
bene sciant facere zuccarum’ (two men who can manufacture
sugar).[50]
Similarly, in the Christian kingdom of Valencia
, it
seems that the farming of both cotton and sugar cane had
disappeared after conquest of the place from the Muslims in
1238, and following the dispersal of its Muslim population,
since Jaime II sent to Sicily for `duos sclavos sarracenos
quorum alter sit magistro cotonis et alter de cannamellis’ as
well as for the seeds of cotton and sugar cane.[51]
In Spain, the Muslims, until their expulsion in the early 17th
century, surely met the demands and needs of specialised crops,
and the effects suffered by Spanish
faming following such
expulsions are widely acknowledged.[52]
Understandably,
many crops (and techniques and skills associated with them),
that began their life in Europe, found their way to the European
colonies of Spain and Portugal
.
Silk production was taken from Grenada to Mexico by Hernan
Cortes, and was developed there by the Viceroy Antonio de
Mondoza, who himself came from Grenada.[53]
Many other sub-tropical crops such as bananas and sugar cane
grown on the coastal parts of Spain also found their way there.[54]
Pacey notes, that it was the organization of the sugar
plantations which was novel at this time, and both cultivation
methods and cane processing technology used by Europeans in
Madeira and later on the Caribbean islands had been acquired
from the Islamic world, and from Sicily
.[55]
Morocco
had an important sugar
industry during the 15th century, and the north
Moroccan
town of Ceuta was
invaded by the Portuguese in 1415, just a few years before the
colonization of Madeira began, and Morocco was probably one
source of information concerning sugar technology, such as cane
crushing mills.[56]The
plantations on Madeira proved to be highly lucrative, and
exports to Europe expanded fast. By 1493 there were eighty
`factory managers' responsible for sugar production on the
island.[57]
The Islamic direct
transfer of crops to Africa is enlightening in many respects.
The spread of Islam on the continent caused the converted to
begin to wear clothes-as religion enjoined, which in turn
stimulated the growth of cotton in many places to meet fast
rising demand.[58]It
was the Muslims who introduced sugar cane into Ethiopia, and who
made the East African island of Zanzibar famous for its high
quality sugar.[59]
Other crops were diffused by the Muslims on the continent in
medieval times as reported by both Muslim travellers and by the
Portuguese later in the 15thcentury.[60]
It is almost certain that in medieval times West Africa received
other than cotton and sugar cane, colocasia, bananas, plantains,
sour oranges and limes, Asiatic rice and varieties of sorghum,
which were all decisive in impact since the range of crops
previously available was extremely limited.[61]
Most of the crops were probably brought from the Maghrib over
the caravan routes which crossed the Sahara.[62]
There is also linguistic evidence pointing to a Muslim
introduction for a number of crops; the names of several of the
new crops in the languages of the interior of West Africa seem
to be derived from Arabic names.[63]
Mauny notes that before agriculture became established in this
region, gathering of wild fruit, leaves and roots were main
products for subsistence.[64]
Many of the indigenous crops also gave little nutrition
in relation to the amount of land or labour required.[65]The
transformation of modes of living following such transfers was,
thus, far reaching.
Finally, it is worth highlighting that the crops introduced by
the Muslims had major impact on the local economies to this very
day. It had been said, Sarton
,
insists, that the gardens and orchards of Spain were the best
part of her Islamic heritage,[66]whilst
Gabrieli notes that the crops which the Muslims introduced
remain up to the present day one of the foundations of the
Sicilian economy.[67]The
new plants also created many changes in consumption and land
use.[68]
These plants became
the sources of new fibres, foods, condiments, beverages,
medicines, narcotics, poisons, dyes, perfumes, cosmetics, and
fodder as well as ornamental objects.[69]
[1]
G.M. Wickens: What the West borrowed; op cit; at p. 125.
[2]
M. Watt: The
Influence; op cit pp 22-23.
[3]
F.B. Artz: The Mind; op cit; pp 149-50.
[4]
A. Pacey:
Technology
, op cit
p. 15.
[5]
E. Levi
Provencal: Histoire de
l'Espagne Musulmane;
op cit; p.283.
[6]
W. Montgomery Watt: The Influence, op cit, pp 22-3.
[7]
A. Lowe: The Barrier and the Bridge, Published by
G. Bles, London, 1972; p. 78.
[8]
Baron Carra de Vaux
: Les Penseurs de
l'Islam, op cit; vol 2,
at p. 306.
[9]
Ibid. pp 309-19.
[10]
Ibid. pp. 329-36.
[11]
J.W. Draper:
History; op cit; Vol II; p.386.
[12]
T. Glick: Irrigation. In A.
Watson
: Agricultural Innovation; op cit; p. 80
[13]
A.M. Watson
: Agricultural innovation; op cit; p.89-90.
[14]
Ibid. p.79-80.
[15]
Ibid.
[16]
Ibid. p.80.
[17]
J. Andre: l’Alimentation et la Cuisine a Rome;
Paris; 1961; p. 20.
[18]
M. Rodinson: Les Influences de la Civilisation Musulmane
sur la Civilisation Europeene Medievale dans le Domaine
de la Consommation et de la Distraction: l’Alimentation;
in Convegno Internationale: op cit;
pp. 479-99.
p.484.
[19]
Crescentiis bk vi 55; 103 in A. Watson
: agricultural; op cit;
pp. 81-3.
[20]
D. Bois: Les Plantes almentaires chez tous les peoples
et a travers les ages; vol1; Paris; p. 355.
[21]
Crescentis bk iii 7; V.Niccoli: Saggio storico; Turin;
1902; p. 189; J.J Hemardinquer: l’Introduction du Mais;
1963; pp. 450-1 in A.M.Watson
: Agricultural; op cit; p. 81-83
[22]G.
Alessio: Storia linguistica; 1958-9; pp. 263-5; M. Gual
Camarena:
Vocabulario del commercio medieval; Tarragona; 1968; p.
422; in A. Watson
: Agricultural; op cit;
pp 81-3.
[23]
R.J. Forbes: Studies, op cit, p. 49.
[24]
P.Guichard: Mise en valeur; op cit; p. 178.
[25]
W. Heyd: Histoire; op cit; p.684
[26]
R.Dozy: Le Calendrier de Cordoue de l’Annee 961;
Leyden; 1873; p. 25; 41; 91.
[27]
Ibn al-Awwam: Livre de l’Agriculture
; Trad Clement Mullet; Paris 1864.
I; 365 and ff; and preface; p. 26.
[28]
M. Amari: Storia dei Musulmani in Sicilia; op
cit; II; p. 445.
[29]
Alb. D’Aix; ed Bongars; p. 270. in W. Heyd: Histoire du
commerce; op cit; p.685.
[30]
Historia, XIII, 3; in medieval French translation in
Paulin Pari’s edit., vol I, p. 480. The Sur of William
of Tyre is Tyre. See also E. Dreesbach:
Der Orient
;
(Dissertation); Breslau; 1901; pp. 24-8.
[31]
Burchard in
W.Heyd: Histoire; op cit; p. 686.
[32]
Alb. D’Aix; ed Bongars; p. 270.
Jacques de Vitry; p. 1075; 1099. in W. Heyd: Histoire du
commerce; op cit; p.685.
[33]
Taf and Thom., II; p. 368; Strehkle, in W.Heyd:
Histoire;
p. 686.
[34]
Huillard-Breholles, Hist.Dipl. Friderici II; Vol 5; pars
1; p.574. in W.Heyd: Histoire; p. 686.
[35]
Michelant-Reinaud: Bibliotheque des Croisades;
IV; p. 126 in W. Heyd: Histoire; op cit; p. 686.
[36]
See Herquet: Konigsgetalten des hauses Lusignan;
Halle; 1881; pp 165-70.
[37]
Sanuto Diari; X; 106; Mas latrie: III; 27; 88 in W.Heyd:
Histoire; op cit;
p. 687.
[38]
Ibid.
[39]
E. Ashtor; 1981:
105 in J.L. Abu-Lughod: Before European Hegemony.p.246.
[40]
A. Watson
: Agricultural; op cit;
Note 20; p. 211.
[41]
J.L. Abu-Lughod:
Before European Hegemony.p.246.
[42]
A.M. Watson
: Agricultural innovation; op cit; p.102.
[43]
Ibid.
[44]
Ibid.
[45]
J.W. Draper:
History; op cit; Vol II; p.386.
[46]
Ibid.
[47]
S.P .Scott: History; op cit; vol ii;
P. 387.
[48]
T.K
Derry and T.I Williams: A Short History; op cit; P. 98.
[49]
See N. Daniel: The Arabs
; op cit; pp. 148 fwd; for the relentless depredations
suffered by the Muslims, and their forced emigration
from their lands and farms.
[50]
Historia diplomatica v 573; 575 in A. Watson
: Agricultural; op cit; Note 2; p. 185.
[51]
J.E. Martinez Ferrandon: Jaime II de Aragon; 2
vols; Barcelona
; 1948.
Vol II; pp. 19-20.
[52]
See for instance, H.C. Lea: The Moriscos of Spain;
Burt Franklin; New York; 1968 reprint; p.379; S.P.
Scott: History; op cit; vol 3; p. 320; S. Lane-Poole:
The Moors in Spain; Fisher Unwin; London; 1888.
pp.279-80.
[53]R
de Zayas: Les Morisques et le Racisme d'Etat; Les
Voies du Sud; Paris, 1992.
p.200.
[54]
E. Levi Provencal: Histoire, op cit, p.283.
[55]
A. Pacey:
Technology
in world
Civilization, op cit; p.100.
[56]
Ibid.
[57]
Ibid.
[58]
V. Monteil: Le Cotton chez les Noirs, in Bulletin du
Comite d’Etudes Historiques et Scientifiques de l’A.O.F.
IX (1926); pp. 585-684;
R.Mauny: Notes historiques autour des principales
plantes cultivess en Afrique occidendate; in Bulletin
de l’Institut Francais d’Afrique Noire; Xv (1953);
pp. 684-730;
pp. 698 ff.
[59]
A. Pacey: Technology
, op cit, p. 15.
[60]
A. Watson
: Agricultural; op cit; p. 81.
[61]
Ibid.
[62]
Ibid. p.82.
[63]
J.M. Dalziel: The Useful Plants of West Tropical
Africa; London; 1948; pp. 122; 305-6 etc.
[64]
R. Mauny: Tableau geographique de l’Ouest Africain au
Moyen Age; Dakar; 1961; pp. 228-33.
[65]
A.M. Watson
: Agricultural Innovation; op cit; pp 81-2.
[66]
G. Sarton
: The Appreciation; op cit;
p.131.
[67]
F. Gabrieli: Islam in the Mediterranean World; in The
Legacy of Islam: 2nd ed. Ed J. Schacht with C.E.
Bosworth. Oxford Clarendon Press, 1974. pp 63-104, at P.
76.
[68]
M. W. Dols: Herbs; in Dictionary of Middle Ages; op cit;
vol 6; pp. 184-7;
p. 186.
[69]
Ibid. at pp. 185-6. |