Pharmacy and Pharmacology
From very early to comparatively late periods of the history of
drug-lore, Isaac explains, the preparation, action and uses of
drugs were closely associated, often indeed identified, with
witchcraft and divination.[1]
It is Islam, he pursues, which purged pharmacology of such
practices; Islamic pharmaceutical tradition, on the whole, being
rational, clean and practical.[2]
Isaac notes the saying of the Prophet: ‘li kulli da'in dawa'
(for every disease there is a remedy), is a religious
explanation: it is left to the physician, through his knowledge
and skill, to trace the right drug that God had created.[3]
Hamarneh also says that interest
in natural products and ecology was ‘a corollary to the Muslim
belief that God provides for the creatures He has created.’[4]
Hamarneh continues:
‘In Nature
God provides the right
medications for man's ailments, when and where they are most
needed. Natural medications are tokens of God's generous
attitude toward human beings, His ways of enriching their lives
and providing for their needs, a belief which prompted Muslim
naturalists, herbalists, pharmacists, and physicians to seek
remedies in nature.’[5]
Faith aside, the vast, borderless world of Islam stimulated
travel over very long
distances to procure certain plants or roots not to be found
nearer home, or to be obtained in more perfect condition than
from ordinary dealers.[6]
Ibn al-Baytar (1197-1248), thanks to his travels, managed
to accumulate a vast knowledge in the field.
His extensive travels began in 1216-7 in search and
collection of plants. In Bejaia
, in
Muslim pharmacists
discovered new and simple
drugs in their crude forms, and gave detailed descriptions of
their geographical source, physical properties, methods of
application, the pharmaceutical forms of the remedies used, and
the techniques employed in their manufacture.[12]
Some writers emphasised the botanical description of the
drugs; others their potency, their mode of operation, their
composition, and the forms which the medicaments took (that is
to say, preparations like pastes, solutions, tinctures, etc.),
and also synonyms for drugs, and other topics.[13]
Ibn Sahl (d. 869) was the first physician to initiate
pharmacopoeia, describing a large variety of drugs and remedies
for ailments.[14]
Ibn Sina
,
described no less than 700 preparations, their properties, mode
of action and their indications in his Canon.[15]
Such information can
also be found in works (generally bearing the title
Jami al-adwiya al-mufrada (Collection of Simples)
such as those of Ibn Samjun (d. 1002), al-Ghafiqui
(d.1165), Ibn Rumia (1142-1218) and others’ treatises on
simples; Ibn Rumia, for instance, introduces new methods of
investigating properties and uses of drugs.[16]
Al-Biruni
(d 1051), in his
Kitab al-Saydalah (Pharmacology), lists and describes the
properties of drugs, giving the technical terminology for
categories of drugs; the general theory of medicaments,
therapeutic properties of substances, etc.[17]
In the introduction to his Book of Drugs, Al-Biruni explains:
‘Everything that is absorbed, voluntarily or unconsciously, can
be divided first of all into foods and poisons. Remedies are
placed half way between these two. Foods receive their qualities
from active and passive forces, and primarily from their four
degrees, so that the body, in equilibrium, has the power to
transform nutriment into its own substance by complete digestion
and by assimilation, thus replacing what part of the diet has
been lost by disassimilation. That is the reason why the body
must act on food before it can derive any benefit from it. As
for poisons, they receive their qualities from the same forces
but at their highest degree, which is the fourth, in such a way
that they overpower the body and subject it to morbid and fatal
transformations…. As for drugs, they are placed between the two,
because they are corruptive with respect to food and curative
with respect to poisons. Their curative action can be wrought
only by skilful and scrupulous physicians. In addition, there
are the medicinal foods, half way between drugs and food, and
the toxic medicaments, half way between drugs and poisons.’[18]
Minerals had great significance as remedies among the Muslims.
Antimony is said to have been recommended for ophtalmia by the
Prophet himself, and turns up regularly in Arabic literature on
eye disease.[19]
In dermatology, we find early mention of ointments containing
sulphur and mercury.[20]
By the time of Al-Zahrawi the external use of these substances
was obviously a major concern of the Muslim physicians.[21]
In the oldest Muslim lapidary extant, by Utarid Ibn Mohammed
al-Hasib (9th century) Kitab manafi’ al-ahjar or
Kitab al-jawahir wa’l Ahjar (The Book of Virtues of Minerals
or the Book of Precious Stones and Minerals), the properties of
precious stones are described.[22]
Ibn Sina
in his Kitab al-Shifa
(the Book of Healing), devotes a section to mineralogy, which
includes stones and various chemicals.[23]
On vitriols, he says:
‘The
vitriols are composed of a salty principle, a sulfurous
principle and stone, and contain the virtue of some of the
fusible bodies (metals). Those of them which resemble qalqand
and qalqatar are formed from crude vitriols by partial
solution, the salty constituent alone dissolving, together with
whatever sulferity there may be. Coagulation follows, after a
virtue has been acquired from a metallic ore. Those that acquire
the virtue of iron become red of yellow, e.g. qalqatar,
while those which acquire the virtue of copper become green. It
is for these reasons that they are so easily prepared by means
of this art.’[24]
As
excellent organisers of knowledge, Levey points out, Muslim
writers directed their pharmacological texts along paths which
either seemed more promising or more useful to the apothecary
and medical practitioner.[25]
Ibn Massawayh (Junior) (d.1015), for instance, was to became
famous in the Latin
West for his
pharmacopoeia, which was divided into several sections, dealing
with correctives to medicines, simple purgative remedies,
composite medicines and lastly medicines as intended for each of
the specific individual diseases.[26]
The Muslims also appended to each name its synonyms in other
languages in order to arrive at as unambiguous a definition of
the drugs as possible.[27]
Ibn al-Baytar’s greater merit, for instance, was in the
systematisation of the discoveries made by Muslims in the Middle
Ages, and he was also concerned with finding the technical
equivalents between Arab, Berber, Greek, Latin, Persian and
Romance languages.[28]
Considering such materials, Dietrich concludes, shows
that the Muslim pharmacists did not, after all, compile their
material in as cavalier a manner as has sometimes been said of
them.[29]
Also, contrary to what is generally assumed, the Muslims largely
surpassed their predecessors in the field. First of all in their
numbers, Meyerhof
was able to trace about a hundred and ten writers who worked in
this field.[30]
The Muslims also added several hundred drugs to the stock of
medicaments known to the Greeks.[31]
Ibn Juljul (d.944), for instance, introduced a whole range of
new medical plants into therapeutics.[32]
Ibn Juljul was conscious of the fact that since the days of
Dioscorides medicine and botany had developed new items used for
medication which had come from the East, or were found in
Andalus. He produced a Supplement "on those drugs which
Dioscorides did not mention", containing around sixty items.[33]
Leclerc has calculated that the thirteenth century botanist Ibn
al-Baytar listed some 200 plants which were unknown to
Dioscorides;[34]
others cite an even larger figure approaching a thousand.[35]
All in all, and in quantity, the number of simples and compound
remedies rose under the Muslims to about 4,000 in the later
works, which is a considerable number compared to the mere
hundreds in the Greek works.[36]
More importantly, as with every science, the Muslims were not
merely followers of the Greek as scholarship tends to accuse
them of being. Ibn
Wafid (Abenguefith to his Latin
translators), the vizier
and director of the botanical garden of the princely house of
Toledo
,
and the author of the earliest pharmacopoeia treatise in the
Muslim West, for instance, bases himself on the ancients, but
takes into account the remedies he has himself seen used to good
effect in Spain.[37]
The same with Ibn Juljul, who used and respected the ‘Ancients’
but did not simply transmit the Greek learning; he made valuable
contributions to the practical knowledge and use of medicinal
plants, and was held in high respect by contemporary and later
scholars and physicians.[38]
As
pharmacology made progress, Levey points out, other sciences
advanced to keep up with it.[39]
In the early Muslim period, as he explains, pharmacology was the
mother of chemistry. In this way, the Muslims provided ample
information
regarding chemicals and their physical and chemical properties
and reactions.[40]
This process of elaboration was carried on by the scholars of
the Christian West until the breakthrough in chemistry a few
hundred years ago.[41]
Developments in Muslim chemistry including filtration,
distillation and crystallisation also had a decisive impact on
the rise and growth of modern pharmacy.[42]
Cosmetology is one area, little known, which benefited greatly
from progress in pharmacology. Al-Zahrawi, in the 19th
volume of his Al-Tasrif, considers cosmetics a definite
branch of medication (Adwiyat al-Zeenah). He looks at the
care and beautification of hair (mentioning hair dyes), skin,
teeth and other parts of the body. He has his solutions for
mouth hygiene, and bad breath for which he suggests cinnamon,
nutmeg, cardamom and chewing on coriander leaves. He also
includes methods for strengthening gums and bleaching the teeth.
He deals with body odours and fighting them with perfumes,
scented aromatics and incense, and included under-arm
deodorants, hair removing sticks and hand lotions. Al-Zahrawi
mentions the benefits of suntan lotions, describing their
ingredients in detail, and describes nasal sprays and hand
creams. Al-Zahrawi also suggests keeping clothes in an incense
filled room to make them carry a pleasant fragrance for the
wearer.[43]
Sahlan ibn Kaysan’s (d.990) Mukhtassar fi al-Adwiya
al-murakabba al-musta’mala fi akhbar al-amrad (Compounded
Drugs Used in Most Ailments) has chapters which deal with
myrobalan confections, electuaries, pills, aperients, pastilles,
powders, syrups, lohochs, and robs, gargles, collyria,
suppositories, pessaries, poultices, oils and lotions, buccal
medicines and dentifrices, and pomades.[44]
Many variations of this type of text were known.[45]
Likewise, those whose work led to perfumery and distillatory
operations learned to provide more suitable raw material for the
apothecary and physician.[46]
With pharmacology and its related sciences there naturally
developed experimentation. Muslim practioners experimented with
drugs in order to learn more about their effect on humans, often
using a single drug in the treatment of each ailment in order to
determine its precise effect.[47]
Experiments were reported in notebook collections of case
histories, sometimes known as al-Mujarrabat; whilst other
manuals included charts, diagrams, and tables that dealt with
drugs and diseases listing their causes and symptoms, their
seasonal prevalence, and the dosages of drugs administered.[48]
Others included mathematical calculations concerning the potency
of drugs and the recommended dosages according to age, sex, and
the severity of the sickness.[49]
Several physicians prescribed and compounded their own
medications, giving them specific names, from the recipes they
formulated themselves, often indicating the pharmacological
action that would result, a practice usually followed with
modern patented medicines.[50]
Al-Zahrawi’s (940-1013)
al-Tasrif, known in Latin
as liber servitoris
de praeparatione medicinarum simplicium, for instance,
describes chemical preparations, tablet making, filtering
extracts, and related pharmaceutical techniques.[51]
The
Islamic impact on the Christian West in the subject was quite
enormous, and this is highlighted by the briefest of outlines.
In terms of collections of recipes for medicines, the huge
corpus of Islamic pharmacology and plant learning influenced
these very heavily- indeed some of these works were almost
direct cribs from the original works of writers like Ibn
Massawayh.[52]
The Antidotarium of Ibn
Massawayh (d. 857) (Mesue) was plagiarised and copied
into books of medical recipes for six hundred years.[53]
Some of these Western works relying on Islamic
pharmacology are almost exclusively medical, for example, Andrew
Borde's The Breviarie of Health.[54]
Some are a mixture of medicines and handy hints on domestic
matters like how to scent gloves, or make marmalade, such as
Partridges bestseller The Huswives Closet and its sister
volume The Widowes Tresure.[55]
In a separate category were the herbals, books which combine
some botany with medicine.[56]
Herbals were possibly the most popular and long lived of them
all-the most famous of them, Culpeper's Herbal, is still
in print and can be obtained in any British bookseller to this
day, containing recipes which the Islamic writers of one
thousand years ago would recognise as their own.[57]
The impression that Islamic drugs dominated medical practice is
supported by examining customs records or apothecaries books.[58]
In the late 17th century, an edition was made of the
London Dispensatory. Its list of botanicals, simples, minerals,
compound drugs for external and internal uses, oils, pills,
cataplasms, etc, also highlights this Muslim influence.[59]
Subsequently, parts of the Latin
version of Ibn
al-Baytar’s Simplicia
were printed in 1758; whilst Ibn Sarabi and Ibn Massawaih
were studied and summarized for the use of European
pharmacopoeias until about 1830.[60]
Latin and German translations, and limited Spanish
version of Ibn Al-Baytar’s pharmaceutical compendium,
Kitab-ul-Jami fil Adwiyah al-Mufradah (Dictionary of Simple
Remedies and Food), were made before a complete translation
appeared in 1842.[61]
There is today a fairly adequate number of secondary sources
dealing with the history of Muslim pharmacy. Meyerhof has
written many works of great interest, which constitute major
sources of reference.[62]
Ulmann is another good source albeit he remains available in
German mainly;[63]
which is also the case for Meyer.[64]
Levey’s work in English on early Muslim pharmacy is excellent.[65]
Original Islamic manuscripts constitute the best source to know
more on the subject. However, these manuscripts remain to a
great extent untouched. Dietrich observes that approximately
a quarter of the extensive Muslim production is probably extant,
and very little of it printed, most of it in manuscript form in
libraries, especially those of the East.[66]
It is all the more crucial to access such sources, because, as
Levey insists, the impact of Muslim pharmacology lasted
into the 19th century in the West, and as a result of
its accumulation of data from over thousands of years’
experience, this may continue to lead to valuable facts today.[67]
Medicinal properties of botanical sources known by Muslim
physicians and apothecaries deserve greater attention than has
been possible hitherto.[68]
Some important medicinal plants have been explored as to their
physiologically active principles and chemical activity with
success, but more of this remains to be done, for some clues
leading to potentially valuable drugs may still be found in the
medical Islamic texts.[69]
Levey lists some of the works that deserve translation into
English:
-Al-Ansari (d. 1292): Al-Simat fi asma' al-Nabat (Special
Considerations on Names of Plants); (MS: Bibliotheque Nationale,
Paris, Arabe 3004).
-Ishaq B. Sulaiman: (903? 953?): Kitab al-Aghdhiya wa'l
adwiya (Book on Nutritives and Drugs); (MS. Munchen 809).
-Al-Tamimi (late 10th): Kitab al-Murshid ila jawahir
al-Aghdhiya waquiwa'l-mufradat min al-Adwiya (Guide Book on
Nutritives and the Properties of Simple Drugs); (MS Bibliotheque
National Arabe 2870).
-Ibn
Jazla (d. 1100): Minhaj al-bayan fima vasta' Miluhu'l-insan
(Manual of Explanation in What One Employs); (MS Leiden 1355; MS
Shebit Ali 2107).
-Al-Kuhin b.Attar: Minhaj al-Dukkan (Manual of the
Pharmacy
);
(MS Leiden 1360; MS Munchen 833.)[70]
[1]
H.D. Isaac: Arabic Medical Literature: in Religion;
M.J.L. Young et al ed; op cit; pp 342-64; p. 361.
[2]
Ibid.
[3]
Ibid.
[4]
S.K.
Hamarneh: The Life Sciences: in The Genius; J.R.
Hayes ed; op cit; p. 156.
[5]
Ibid.
[6]
H.D. Isaac: Arabic Medical Literature; op cit; p. 362.
[7]
L. Leclerc: Histoire; op cit; vol 2; p. 226.
[8]
Ibid.
[9]
J. Vernet and J. Samso: Development of Arabic Science in
[10]
Ibid.
[11]
[12]
S.K. Hamarneh: The Life Sciences; op cit; p. 156.
[13]
A Dietrich: Islamic
Sciences and the Medieval West, Pharmacology in
Islam and the Medieval West; I.K. Semaan;
ed (State University of New York, Albany; 1980), pp
50-63: p.50.
[14]
E.S. Kennedy: Al-Biruni
; in Dictionary of Scientific Biography; op cit;
vol 2; pp. 147-58; at p. 155.
[15]
Volume ii includes the names of simple drugs arranged in
alphabetical order.
[16]
Max Meyerhof. (1935 b) Esquisse d'Histoire de la
pharmacologie et de la botanique chez les Muslmans
d'Espagne', Al-Andalus
3; pp. 1-41.
[17]
E.S. Kennedy: Al-Biruni
; op cit; vol 2; pp. 147-58; at p. 155.
[18]
In R. Arnaldez-L.Massignon: Arabic Science; op cit; p.
419.
[19]
Browne, 1921; in R.P. Multhauf: The Origins of
Chemistry; op cit; p.217.
[20]
Friedman (1938) mentions both in connection with
al-Tabbari in R.P. Multhauf: The Origins of Chemistry;
op cit; p.217..
[21]
R.P. Multhauf:
The Origins of
Chemistry; op cit; p.217.
[22]
M. Levey: Early Arabic Pharmacology; op cit; p.
164.
[23]
R.J. Holmyard and D.C. Mandeville: Avicennae de
Congelatione et Conglutinatione lapidum; being
sections of the Kitab al-Shifa; pp. 39 ff.
[24]
M. Levey: Early Arabic Pharmacology; op cit; p.
165.
[25]
M. Levey: Influence of Arabic Pharmacology on Medieval
Europe; in Convegno Internationale:, op cit; pp.
431-44. p. 438.
[26]
G. Wiet et al: History; op cit; p. 663.
[27]
A Dietrich: Islamic
science; op cit; p.52.
[28]
E. Calvo: Ibn al-Baytar, in Encyclopaedia of the
History of Science (Selin ed), op cit; p.
404.
[29]
A Dietrich: Islamic
science; op cit; p.50.
[30]
M. Meyerhof in A
Dietrich: Islamic science; op cit; p.52.
[31]
Ibid.
[32]
L. Leclerc: Histoire de la Medecine;
in A.
Dietrich: Islamic sciences; op cit; p.55.
[33]
P. Johnstone: Ibn Juljul; in Islamic Culture
(1999), pp. 37-43; at. p.39.
[34]
Ibn al-Baytar
Kitab-ul-Jami fil Adwiyah al-Mufradah; in L.
Leclerc: Histoire de la Medicine Arabe; op cit;
vol 1; p. xi.
[35]
See J. Vernet and J. Samso: Development, op cit, pp
271-2, and N. Leclerc: Histoire; op cit; pp. 226
ff.
[36]
M. Levey: Early Arabic; op cit; p. 173.
[37]
G. Wiet et al: History; op cit; p
.659.
[38]
P Johnstone: Ibn Juljul; op cit; p. 42.
[39]
M. Levey: Early Arabic, op cit, p. 53.
[40]
Ibid, p. 173.
[41]
Ibid.
[42]
C.J.M. Whitty: The Impact of Islamic Medicine; op cit;
p. 49.
[43]
Mainly derived from the following sources:
-S.K Hamarneh and G. Sonnedecker: A Pharmaceutical
View of Albucassis Al-Zahrawi in Moorish
-M. Levey: Early Arabic, op cit.
[44]
M. Levey: Influence of Arabic Pharmacology on Medieval
Europe; op cit; p. 438.
[45]
P. Sbath and C.D. Avierinos: Deux Traites Medicaux
(Cairo
; 1953).
[46]
M. Levey: Early Arabic, op cit, p. 173.
[47]
S.K. Hamarneh:
The Life Sciences; op cit; p. 156.
[48]
Ibid.
[49]
Ibid; p. 156-7.
[50]
Ibid; p. 157.
[51]
See G. Sarton: Introduction; vol 1; op cit. p.
534.
[52]
J.C.M. Whitty: The Impact of Islamic Medicine; op cit;
p. 52.
[53]
Ibid; p. 49.
[54]
A. Borde: The
breviarie of health; wherin doth follow remedies, for
all manner of sickneses and diseases, the which may be
in man or woman (
[55]
J. Partridge: The tresurie of comodious conciets, and
hidden secrets, and may be called, the huswives closet,
of healthful provision; (
[56]
Herbals overlapped very considerably, and were usually
variations on a theme. An example is Anon: Here
begynneth a newe mater: the which is called an herbal
(
[57]
N. Culpeper: Culpeper's Complete Herbal;
Wordsworth, (
[58]
For example, R.S. Roberts: The Early History of the
Import of drugs into
[59]
M. Levey: Early Arabic, op cit, op cit; p. 177.
[60]
E. J. Jurji: The Course of Arabic.
p. 249.
[61]
For details, see N.L. Leclerc: Histoire de la
Medecine; vol 2; pp. 233-4.
[62]
M. Meyerhof: ‘Uber die Pharmacologie und Botanik des
Ahmad al-Ghafiqi', Archiv fur Geschichte der
Mathematik und Naturwissenschaft 13 (1930), pp.
65-74.
-M.Meyerhof: Esquisse d'histoire de la pharmacologie et
de la botanique chez les Musulmans d'Espagne',
al-Andalus 3, 1935: pp. 1-41.
[63]
M. Ullmann: Medizin in Islam (Leiden/Cologne,
1970).
"
" : Die Natur und Geheimwissenschaften im
Islam,
[64]
E. H. F. Meyer: Geschichte der Botanik, I-IV
(Konigsberg,1854-7).
[65]
M. Levey: Early
Arabic Pharmacology (E. J. Brill; Leiden, 1973).
[66]
A Dietrich: Islamic
science; op cit; p.52.
[67]
M. Levey: Influence of Arabic Pharmacology on Medieval
Europe; op cit; p. 431.
[68]
Ibid.
[69]
Ibid.
[70]
M. Levey: Early Arabic, op cit, pp 58-9. |