Dominant Aspects of Muslim Medicine
Under the Muslims, medicine departed from the narrow focus of
its predecessors, a few individuals such as Galen and
Hippocrates, to become a universal science, attracting the
interest of hundreds, not to say thousands of scholars.[1]
The authors of repute alone numbered over 400.[2]
The fame of the medical colleges of the Orient spread rapidly
throughout the world, and attracted the ambitious of every
creed, Christian, Hebrew and Muslim.[3]
In the 11th century there were more than six thousand
students of medicine in the schools of Baghdad
alone,[4]
possibly an exaggerated figure, but even if by ten times, it
still expresses the mass interest and spread of medical learning
and practice in the Islamic world. In the city of
‘Its
duty is to give care to the ill, poor men and women until they
recover. It is at the service of the powerful and the weak, the
poor and the rich, of the subject and the prince, of the citizen
and the brigand, without demand for any form of payment, but
only for the sake of God, the provider.’[8]
That
Muslim medicine was flourishing is obvious in the countless
works on the subject, and also in their size and impact. Ibn
Sina
's
Qanun (Canon of Medicine) is one of the most voluminous
works ever published; but also, according to Meyerhof, a
masterpiece of
systematisation.[9]
Al-Razi
wrote more than 100
books covering a variety of diseases and medical subjects.[10]
His al-Hawi (the Comprehensive Book) or
Continens
as
known by its Latin
name,
is an encyclopaedic work on medicine and surgery in 25 volumes.[11]
No complete Manuscript of it exists, but it can be found split
in many parts in libraries world-wide:
three volumes in the
The
impact of these works is obvious in their lengthy use and
repeated editions. The Canon of Ibn Sina
,
for instance, first translated into Latin
in the 12th century,
remained taught in
It
is of little value to discuss even the most important subjects
addressed by Muslim authors, a whole encyclopaedia being
necessary for this. But briefly, here, the most succinct outline
looking at some subjects, by some authors, will illustrate for
us how the Muslim scholars, by their works, created the first
proper medical textbooks, in a format which would be
recognisable to medical students anywhere in the world today,[20]
and how Islamic medicine covered many subjects hardly, if ever
considered by the Greeks, beginning with Al-Madjusi (d. 994),
who, in his Kitab al-Malaki (Liber Regalis), describes
eczema, scabies, miliaria rubra, miliaria alba, favus,
pediculosis, seborrhoeic dermatitis, alopecia areata, lupus
vulgaris, leprosy, filariasis, smallpox, chickenpox, measles and
erysipelas, giving the differential diagnosis of each with the
appropriate treatment.[21]
The second Ibn Zuhr (the Latin
Avenzoar) (b. ca. 1091-
1094) wrote
Kitab al-taysir fi-l-mudawat wal-tadbir (Book of
Simplification Concerning Therapeutics and Diet), which contains
an elaborate study of pathological conditions and relevant
therapeutics, the whole followed by an antidotary or formulary
called Jami' (Collected Recipes), which is sometimes
mentioned as a separate work.[22]
The Taysir dealt with
specific medical conditions such as pericarditis, pharangeal
paralysis, inflammation of the middle ear, and recommended
tracheotomy for laryngeal obstruction.[23]
Ibn Zuhr is said to have been the first to suggest that
patients suffering from oesophageal stricture might be
fed by nutrient enemata.[24]
Ibn Sina
’s
Canon discusses mineral, animal and vegetable poisons,
rabies, venesection, cancer of the breast, hydrocele, tumours,
skin diseases, labour.[25]
In the Canon, pulmonary tuberculosis is for the first
time regarded as a contagious disease.[26]
Ibn Sina also gives an excellent clinical account of meningitis,
differentiating from the meningismus of other acute diseases; he
describes chronic nephritis, facial paralysis; pyloric senosis,
ulcer of the stomach, and much else.[27]
In describing difficult labour, he says, after mentioning
several procedures, ‘when this fails, the forceps are to be
applied and the child is to be extracted by them,’ a passage,
which Major insists, supplies unmistakable proof that the Muslim
physicians were familiar with obstetrical forceps.[28]
Ibn Sina also notes the effect upon health of water supply,
climate, the seasons, bathing, sleep, and emotional disturbance.[29]
The
Islamic scholars completely reshaped medical writing and
learning in comparison with their Greek predecessors, putting
together a whole new methodology. Al-Razi
,
for instance, observes how
Hippocrates' Aphorisms was disorganised, ambiguous, and
unnecessarily brief.[30]
Hence, his larger, more encompassing, and more importantly,
systematically constructed work, Al-Hawi. Islamic
scholars strove to bring order to the subject, on theoretical
and practical levels, the first including body matters,
and the second embracing all forms of therapeutics: surgery,
physical exercise, drug therapy, etc. Medicine was further
subdivided into various disciplines: ophthalmology, dentistry,
psychiatry, gynaecology, paediatrics, etc.[31]
In Al-Razi’s al-Mansuri, a treatise on anatomy, each
bone, muscle, or organ is described in the light of its function
and purpose.[32]
Al-Madjusi’s
Kitab al-Maliki (The Royal Book)
consists of twenty sections, ten on the theoretical principles
of medicine and ten on its practice. It was the first
comprehensive and methodical presentation of medicine as a
whole-something which the Greeks had not attempted.[33]
Al-Qumri (fl end 10th century), and the teacher of
Ibn Sina
,
wrote Kitab ghina wa mana (The Book of Life and Death)
divided into three parts: internal diseases, external diseases,
and fevers.[34]
Al-Zahrawi, Al-Madjusi, Ibn Zuhr, and others also make
classifications of their subjects, and from the writing of Ibn
Zuhr it can be seen that in his day the professions of
physician, surgeon and apothecary were separated.[35]
The
training of doctors, although hardly given its due in the
literature on the subject, played a crucial role in the advance
of medicine. It was carried out by the apprenticeship method,
and in the hospitals, where the school, if it were called that,
was a part of the hospital, much as it is still done in
Ethics took a central role in Muslim medical practice.
Al-Zahrawi (b.936.
d.1013), recommending to his
sons (i.e his students) the trade of surgeon, says:
‘Show caution and care for yourselves and gentleness and
perseverance for your patients. Purify yourselves of anything
which you fear may cause doubt as to your religious life and
your secular life; for this will perpetuate your good name and
will elevate your fortunes in this world and the next.’[47]
And:
‘I warn you against undertaking any case in which there is any
element of doubt to you; for in the exercise of the art, you
will be mobbed by all kinds of persons with all manners of
afflictions... let your caution be stronger than your greed and
desire for gains, and do not embark upon anything of this kind
unless you have positive knowledge, which you judge adequate,
about the way of bringing the patient a good outcome. In
treating every patient be prescient and foretell the means
whereby health may be restored to him.... may God inspire you my
sons, with His guidance, and grant you that you hit the mark and
succeed; for it is in His hand. There is no God but He.’[48]
The
best account we have in English on the ethics of the physician
is by Ishaq bin Rahawi ‘Adab al-Tabib,' (On the Good
Manners of the Physician) a substantial part of which was
translated by Levey.[49]
The treatise has twenty chapters, which include matters such as
1. What the physician must avoid and beware of; 2. Manners of
the visitors; 3. Care of remedies by the physician; 4. Dignity
of the medical profession; 5. Examination of physicians; 6.
Removal of corrupt physicians.[50]
Islamic medical care was an all encompassing practice, Muslim
physicians seeing their patients regularly, and even associating
with them socially. They looked at all aspects of the patient's
life, physical and mental, and were aware of the latter's
influence on the general well being.[51]
Al-Razi
,
thus, called for
consultation and mutual trust between skilled physicians, and
favoured a family doctor practice, besides warning patients that
changing doctors would waste their wealth, health, and time.[52]
He promoted psychotherapy, pointing out that hopeful comments
from doctors encouraged patients and made them feel better.[53]
The
equilibrium of the body had the most important role, though.[54]
As Levey notes, when
a person became ill, the Muslim physician’s tendency was to tip
the balance the other way gently by means of nutritive drugs,
and when these were not effective, simple drugs were then
employed.[55]
Treatment took into account the patient’s temperament, diet and
previous illnesses.[56]
Ibn Jazla’s (b.1074) Taqwim al-Abdan fi tadbir
al-Insan (Tables of the Body With Regard to the Physical
Management of Man), for instance, is a thorough study of the
very structure of the body, how its diverse parts impacted and
inter-related. Health depended on ‘an equilibrium of the
humours,’ an equilibrium which varied with the individual.[57]
The
emphasis is more on health than on disease, and near the
beginning of Ibn Sina
's
Canon of Medicine was this:
"I
say that medicine is the science by which the dispositions of
the human body are known, in order that customary health may be
preserved or, being lost, may be recovered."[58]
Ibn
Massawayh (Mesue Senior) (777-857) in his aphorisms,[59]
advises the following:
‘The
constitution of living bodies is made up of numerous factors. Do
not use brutal procedures which undermine the organism and
attack, weaken and shake the body, so that its constitution
becomes changed.’ (Aphorism 26)
‘Whenever possible, we must treat each organ with remedies
resembling the organ’s natural food; if the cure is a change of
diet, so much the better.’ (Aphorism 35).
‘Patients whose main organs are impaired must not be given hot
medicaments; you must control their diet until equilibrium is
restored.’ (Aphorism 61)
‘The physician must copy the action of nature.’ (Aphorism
64)
‘In
their treatment of diseases, physicians must aim to restore the
body to its normal state of health, and not to perfect
equilibrium.’ (Aphorism 68)
Ibn
Butlan's (d.ca 1068) Taqwim as-sihha (Latin
:
Tacuinum Sanitatis,) retaining the Arabic word with the
translation "regimen", begins:
‘On
the six things that are necessary to any man for the daily
conservation of his health, with its corrections and
operations.’ These are immediately listed:
"The
first care of health is the preparation of the air, which
affects the heart. The second is the regulation of food and
drink. The third is the regulation of movement and rest. The
fourth is the restraint of the body from sleep and from much
watching. The fifth is the regulation of the relaxation and
constriction of the humours. The sixth is regulation of the
person to moderate joy, anger, fear and anxiety. So the
preservation of health will be in these methods of balance, and
the removal of these six from that balance makes illness, God
the Glorious, the Almighty, permitting. And under each of these
kinds there are many types, and many things necessary of which,
God willing, we will describe the natures ... Let us invoke the
help of God that He may make straight our mind, for human nature
can scarcely be prevented from error…’’[60]
Diet
was central in Islamic medicine, and early Islamic scholars
followed the Prophet’s stance that all health predicaments have
their origin in diet. Abu 'Abdallah Mutammad al-Tamimi
al-Muqaddasi (fl. c. 970) wrote several medical books, and most
interestingly Kitab al-murshid ila jawahir al-aghdhiya wa
quwa-l-mufradat; which, as the title suggests, is a guide
toward the understanding of the substances of food-stuffs and
(of) the simple drugs, on how diet affects well being.[61]
Ibn al-Wafid in his On the Powers of Medicines and Foods,
among others, states:
"I
have put together this book on the virtues of medicines and
foods, from the books of the ancients; for long have I wearied
my mind with it . . . I have poured forth prayers on it that it
may come near to God, the Exalted, the Glorious . . . The object
of medicine is health, and according to two modes. The first is
the knowledge of the complexions of the bodies of men. The
second is the knowledge of medicines and foods, by the knowledge
of which health is maintained in the healthy man and restored in
the sick man.’[62]
Ibn
Zuhr of
Good, appetising food was also deemed, under special
circumstances, to help recovery as well captured in this
anecdote narrated by Al-Zahiri who told about his visit to
‘I
was accompanied by a distinguished and affable Persian. When he
visited the al-Nuri hospital (named after the ruler Nur Eddin
Zangi (d. 1173) and saw the diets, the utilities and the
comforts to be found there, he decided to see for himself what
being a patient was like in that hospital. He pretended illness
and was admitted to the hospital. There the medical chief
visited him every day and took his pulse and prescribed his
diet, consisting of a variety of meats, fat chickens, candies
and drinks and fresh fruits. On the third day the doctor told
him that such patients were not allowed to stay more than three
days, and asked him to leave.’[65]
Just
as, in its generalised form, Islamic medicine formed the
foundation of modern medicine, in some specific areas it still
constitutes the most powerful basis for many modern
breakthroughs in the subject.
[1]
N.L. Leclerc: Histoire de la Medecine Arabe; 2
vols (Paris; 1876).
[2]
R.H. Major: A History of Medicine; 2 Volumes
(Blackwell; Oxford; 1954), vol 1; p. 232.
[3]
S.P. Scott: History; op cit; vol 3; p. 509.
[4]
Ibid.
[5]
R.H. Major: A History of Medicine; op cit; p.
232.
[6]
N.L. Leclerc: Histoire de la Medicine; op cit; A.
Isa Bey: Histoire des hopitaux
(Imprimerie Paul
Barbey, Cairo
, 1928).
[7]
W.M. Watt: The Influence, op cit, p. 37.
[8]
A. Isa Bey: Histoire des hopitaux; op cit;
p. 151.
[9]
M. Meyerhof: Science and Medicine, op cit, p.
329.
[10]
G.M.
Wickens: The Middle East, op cit, p 116.
[11]
R.H. Major: A History of Medicine; op cit;
vol 1; p. 238.
[12]
E.G. Browne quoted in A. Whipple: The Role; op
cit; p.39.
[13]
A.Z. Iskandar: Ibn Al-Nafis, in Encyclopaedia;
(ed H. Selin);
op cit; p.410.
[14]
R.H. Major: A History of Medicine; op cit;
vol 1; p. 246.
[15]
M. Meyerhof:
Science and Medicine, in The Legacy of Islam (ed
T. Arnold and A. Guillaume,) op cit;
pp 311-55, at
pp 329-30.
[16]
M. Meyerhof: Science and Medicine, pp 324-5. N. Daniel:
The Arabs; op cit; p.305.
[17]
D.
[18]
W.A. Greenhill tr of: A Treatise on the Smallpox and
Measles by Rhazes (Sydenham Society; 1848).
[19]
G. Sarton: Introduction;
vol 1; op cit.
534.
[20]
C.J. M. Whitty: The Impact of Islamic Medicine on Post
Medieval England; Islamic Culture; Vol LXXIII
(1999); pp. 45-57; at p. 46.
[21]
R.H. Major: A History of Medicine; op cit;
vol 1; p. 241.
[22]
G. Sarton: Introduction; op cit; vol 2; p. 232.
[23]
A. Whipple: The
Role, op cit; p.52.
[24]
D. Guthrie: A History of Medicine (Thomas Nelson
and Sons Ltd; London; 1958), p. 94.
[25]
R.H. Major: A History of Medicine; op cit;
vol 1; p. 245.
[26]
D. Guthrie: A History of Medicine;
op cit; p. 92.
[27]
R.H. Major: A History of Medicine; op cit;
vol 1; p. 245.
[28]
Ibid.
[29]
D. Guthrie: A History of Medicine; op cit; p. 92.
[30]
S.K. Hamarneh: Ar-Razi; op cit; p. 166.
[31]
I and L. Al-Faruqi: The Cultural Atlas, op cit,
p 325.
[32]
G. Wiet et al.: History; op cit; p. 653.
[33]
Ibid.
[34]
G.Sarton: Introduction; op cit; vol 1; p. 678.
[35]
D.
[36]
A. Whipple: The Role; op cit; p. 59.
[37]
Ibid.
[38]
S.K. Hamarneh: Ar-Razi; in The Genius of Arab
Civilisation (J.R. Hayes ed); op cit; p.166.
[39]
S.P. Scott: History; op cit; vol 3; p. 509.
[40]
A. Whipple: The Role; op cit; pp. 59-60.
[41]
D. Behrens Abouseif; S. Denoix, J.C. Garcin:
[42]
Ibid.
[43]
Ibid.
[44]
Ibid.
[45]
G. Wiet et al: History; op cit; p. 654.
[46]
Ibid.
[47]
M.S. Spink and G.L. Lewis: Abulcasis on Surgery
and Instruments
(The Wellcome
Institute, London, 1973), p. 6.
[48]
Ibid; p. 166.
[49]
Under the title ‘Medical Ethics of Medieval Islam with
special reference to Rahawi's ‘practical Ethics of the
physician.' The American Philosophical Society,
Vol 57, part 3, pp: 1-99 (1967).
[50]
A. Khan: Islamic philosophy and medical ethics, in
Islamic Perspective in Medicine,
ed
[51]
M. Levey: Early Arabic Pharmacology (E. J. Brill;
Leiden, 1973), p. 52.
[52]
S.K. Hamarneh: Ar-Razi; op cit; p.166.
[53]
Ibid.
[54]
P. Lory: Philosophes et Savants; with participation of
H.Bellosta; in Etats, Societes et Cultures du Monde
Musulman Medieval; edited J.C. Garcin et al; Vol 2
(Presses Universitaires de France; p.2000), pp. 371-98.
p.387.
[55]
M. Levey: Early Arabic, op cit, p. 52.
[56]
P Benoit and F. Micheau: The Arab intermediary: in
A History of Scientific Thought; M. Serres
ed (Blackwell, 1995), pp 191-221;
p. 208.
[57]
Ibid.
[58]
N. Daniel: The Arabs and Medieval Europe; op cit;
p. 292.
[59]
R. Arnaldez-L.Massignon: Arabic Science; op cit; p. 418.
[60]
N. Daniel: The Arabs and Medieval Europe; op cit;
p. 292.
[61]
G. Sarton: Introduction; op cit; vol I; p. 679.
[62]
N. Daniel: The Arabs and Medieval Europe; op cit;
p. 292.
[63]
D.
[64]
S.K. Hamarneh: Ar-Razi; op cit; p.166.
[65]
K. Ibn-Shahine al-Zahiri:
Tableau politique
et administratif de la Syrie
(Paris, 1894), quoted by Issa Bey:
Histoire des hopitaux en Islam;
Dar ar ra’id al’arabi
(Beirut; 1981), p. 192. |