Trade
It is the generalised Western
historians’ distorted writing on the role of Islam and its
civilisation, which keeps forcing the issue to be discussed, and
with respect to every matter. In respect to trade, hence, it is
impossible to deal with the Islamic impact without having to
address the issue of the Pirenne
theory, first.
The Pirenne Theory
In
the early 1930s, Pirenne
held in his Muhammad
and Charlemagne that the advance of Islam led to the
collapse of economic activity around the Mediterranean, thus
driving Europe into the dark ages.[1]In
more detail, he said:
`European civilisation formed around the Mediterranean by the
successive work of Egypt
,
Syria
,
Phoenicia, Greece
and Rome. The latter,
the last worker of an admirable work, has gathered in one single
state all the people it was the inheritor. The empire founded by
it, including all, is thus an Empire that was essentially
Mediterranean.’[2]
Pirenne
goes on:
`From Byzantium
,
Asia Minore and Egypt
Jewish
merchants, but above all
Syrian merchants continued their supply of it (the West) with
luxury goods, rich cloth, and fine wines. By their intermediary
it received the gold that was necessary for its currency and the
papyrus that was used by copyists and clerks of chancelleries.’[3]
Until:
`Islamic invasion of the Mediterranean, to my opinion, it is to
this event which must be attributed the cut which separates
Antiquity of European history from that which we call usually
under the name of the Middle Ages. In closing the sea and in
isolating by this the one from the other the West and the Orient
, it
had put an end in fact to this Mediterranean unity, which had
constituted for thousands of years the most striking character,
and the condition itself of traditional development of
civilisation in that part of the world.’[4]
Thus, for Pirenne
, the advance of Islam in the east and south in the late 7th
century destroyed
the
cultural and religious unity of the Mediterranean, and killed
the Roman world. An Islamic irruption, which led to a two
century disruption of economic and commercial contacts between
the Middle East
and Western Europe,
hence forcing economic activity to shift from south to north,
giving rise to the Dark Ages
.
Thus, here, unlike previous
matters, it is not just that Islam had no role in the positive
changes which took place in medieval Western Christendom
(learning,
universities, birth of modern science, development of art and
architecture…), but also that Islam destroyed Western
civilisation.
Pirenne
’s theory became and remained a convenient foundation for his
followers to see in the Islamic advance of the 7th-8th
century an explanation to Europe’s centuries of darkness, a
convenient theory which earned Pirenne great fame.[5]
For Wiet et al, for instance:
`Reference must be made here to the views brilliantly put
forward by the great Belgian historian Henri Pirenne
.’[6]
Pirenne
had been `spreading the
good word,’ Coville says,[7]
delivering lectures world wide, explaining how it was Islam,
instead of the `Barbarian’ invasions of three centuries before
(late fifth AD) that had broken a hitherto cohesive and
prosperous civilization.
Pirenne
’s theory was flimsy, though, mainly based on the fact that
imports of gold and papyrus had `disappeared’ during the Islamic
advance. And so it hardly resisted the tests of time and more
solid challenges. Some
scholars do not accept that the Carolingian period was,
economically speaking, a period of regression, but believe, to
the contrary, that there were more commercial transactions
during this than in the preceding era. Others are in agreement
with Pirenne with regard to economic regression in the
Merovinigien period, but do not accept that the domination of
Islam on the Mediterranean basin as its main cause.[8]
Amongst such latter scholars is Perroy, who outlines the main
defects of Pirenne
’s
theory by first demonstrating that Islam as a faith had no
problem with trade. To the contrary, the Prophet
was a trader; his
followers crossed the world from The Sudan to the Volga, from
China
to Madagascar to trade;
and it was, in fact, Islam that awakened Western trade[9]
(more on which further on). Besides, explains Perroy, the
decline of trade between east and west of the Mediterranean was
anterior to Islam, and in the period in question, the 8th
century, Byzantium
kept its trade with its
possessions of Southern Italy and the Adriatic. Moreover, if
there was little traffic beyond that limited sector, it was
related to the internal evolution of the West and to
monopolistic policies pursued by Byzantium.[10]
Perroy, finally, notes, that the passage from gold to silver
between 650 and 700 is neither a sign of the collapse of
civilisation as believed by Pirenne, nor it is of a definitive
exhaustion of the stocks of gold of the Occident.[11]
Further attacks on Pirenne
came amongst others from
Lopez, Lombard
and Genicot.[12]Lopez
points out that gold did not become scarcer after the Muslim
advance, but instead, in the 8th century and after,
both Muslim coins and their imitations seem to have been fairly
common.[13]
Lopez also refers to Sabbe (an earlier follower of Pirenne) to
highlight that the trade of Oriental purple-dyed and embroidered
cloths was never interrupted in Western Europe, and the
diminished use of Oriental cloths among the laymen (if there was
a diminution) was largely due to fashion change.[14]
Taking the
opposite view from Pirenne
,
Lombard
affirms that the Muslim
advance, occurring at a time of exhaustion in Europe,
re-established and amplified international commerce and
contributed to the recovery characterizing the Carolingian
Empire, and that Muslim currency in particular infused new blood
into commercial relations.[15]
Lombard goes even
further, holding that it was the Muslim advance, which led to
the West regaining contact with Oriental civilisation and,
through the Muslims with the major world movements in trade and
culture. `Whereas the great barbarian invasions of the fourth
and fifth centuries,’ Lombard holds, `had caused an economic
regression in the West under the Merovingian and Carolingian
dynasties, the creation of the new Islamic Empire brought with
it an astonishing development in this same area.’[16]
Genicot, too, referring to Ganshof, notes that the ports of
Provence
(France) had not stopped
their activity from the 8th to the 10th
century,[17]and
suggests that the decline of the exchange economy could have
other causes than the Muslim irruption, especially the state of
anarchy of the Frank monarchy after Dagobert.[18]
And
for Lopez to conclude:
`If neither the
`disappearance' of papyrus nor that of gold currency is
connected with a sudden regression in trade caused by the Arab
conquests, the thesis of Pirenne
has little support
left.’[19]
Pirenne
’s theory is further undermined by the fact that historians, who
looked at the domestic history of various parts of Europe noted
the decline taking place in the Roman empire even earlier than
the 5th; the decline that gripped the Christian West
, thus, taking place centuries before Islam was even born. Some
historians, i.e Lewis, have even noted that
Muslim control of the Mediterranean did not begin in the 7th
or 8th century, as Pirenne stated, but did in the
late 9th and early 10th centuries;[20]a
five century gap between European decline and Islamic rise in
the area, which makes Pirenne’s theory untenable.
Rather than the Muslims causing the decadence of trade, facts,
instead, prove that modern trade, in all its foundations, owes
to Islam, just as the following shows.
[1]
H. Pirenne
: Mohammed
and Charlemagne;
F. Alcan; Paris-Bruxelles; 7th edition; 1937.
[2]
H. Pirenne
, Mahomet et Charlemagne. Revue Belge de Philosophie et
d'Histoire 1, 1922, 77-86. in Bedeutung Und Rolle des
Islam Beim ubergang Vom Altertum Zum Mittelalter,
Paul Egon Hubinger: ed; Darmstadt, 1968. pp. 1-9. p. 1.
[3]
Ibid. p. 7.
[4]
Henri Pirenne
: Un contraste economique. Merovingiens et Carolingiens,
Revue Belge; 2, 1923, 223-35. in Bedeutung; op cit; pp.
10-22; p.10.
[5]
Hence, on May 18,
1938, in his honour, was held in Brussels (Belgium), a
solenal academic session, which was attended by the
Belgian king, Leopold II.
[6]
G. Wiet et al: History of Mankind; op cit; p.5.
[7]
A.
Coville, les Commencements du Moyen Age d'apres Henri
Pirenne
, Journal des Savants, 1938, 97-104, at p.97.
[8]
P. Lambrechts: Les Theses de Henri Pirenne
sur la fin du
monde Antique et les debuts du Moyen Age,
in Bedeutung; op cit; pp 32-57. p. 34.
[9]
E. Perroy: Le Moyen Age, Presses Universitaires
de France, 1956. p.113-4.
[10]
Ibid.
[11]
E. Perroy: Encore Mahomet et Charlemagne.
Revue Historique 212, 1954, 232-238. in Bedeutung; op
cit; pp. 266-275. p.267.
[12]
For an excellent summary of articles devoted to the
thesis and its criticism see Bedeutung op cit;.
[13]
Cf.Bloch, p.13 ff., with bibl in
Robert S. Lopez:
Mohammed
and Charlemagne:
A Revision. Speculum 18, 1943, 14-38. in Bedeutung;
op cit; pp. 65-104. p.92.
[15]M.
Lombard
: l'Or Musulman au Moyen Age, in
Annales ESC
(1947): 143-160.
[16]
M.Lombard
: Quand l’Islam Brillait de Mille feux; op cit.
[17]
F.L. Ganshof:
Note sur les ports de Provence
du viii au x
siecle,
in Revue
Historique, t. CLXXXIV, 1938, p. 28. in
L. Genicot: Aux Origines de la civilisation
in
Bedeutung; op cit; pp. 105-19. p.106.
[18]
L. Genicot: Aux Origines; pp 105-119.
[19]
R. S. Lopez: Mohammed
and Charlemagne;
op cit; pp 97-8.
[20]
A.R. Lewis: The Moslem expansion in the Mediterranean,
A.D. 827-960: pp 23-29 in The Islamic World and the
West;
Ed: A. R. Lewis;
John Wiley and Sons; London;
1970. p.23. |