Observatories
The established wisdom holds that
observatories are a late invention of
Sedillot insists that the observatory as a distinct scientific
institution for observation, and where astronomy and allied
subjects were taught, owes its origin to Islam.[3]
Sayili, in his ground breaking work, also demonstrates that the
observatory as a scientific, specialised institution, is owed to
Islam.[4]
These views are correct as they fit within the pattern already
observed in relation to many breakthroughs, i.e the close ties
between science and observance of the faith, between the
spiritual and the practical.[5]
On the spiritual side, the zeal to contemplate and observe God’s
creation, and the urge to understand its vastness, as found and
stipulated in the Qur’an, and as expressed by nearly all Muslim
astronomers, was a major reason for observation and study of the
planets. The Qur’an in sura 50, verse 6 says:
"Do
they not look at the sky above them, how We have built it and
adorned it, and there are no rifts in it."
sura
31, verse 10 says:
"(God) created the heavens without any pillars that you can
see..."
On
the practical side, in observing their religious practices
Muslims came across problems they had to resolve.[6]
This entailed, for instance, accuracy in the observation of the
planets so as to determine many religious matters, the emphasis
on precise results being such that theologians saw it was
necessary to be involved in observations.[7]
This emphasis, in turn, led to a greater role for patronage of
astronomy, the use of precise instruments, and also the need for
organised teams of scholars, involved in diverse sciences
(geometry, arithmetic, instrument designers, etc) working
together, making observations in groups, and checking each
others’ observations.[8]
Hence, out of necessity, the observatory and observation became
established within Islam.
The
earliest date generally agreed upon for the erection of
observatories is the 9th century, when state run
observatories were established simultaneously in
Ibn
Sina
,
Al-Battani
,
Al-Farghani also had their own home based observatories.
Al-Battani's observatory was located
in Raqqa, from where he made observations covering forty years
(887 to 918), whilst Ibn Sina's observatory was in
The
first observatory, in the truer sense, was at Shamsiyah (
Making these observations possible, and yielding such results is
largely due to the fact that at this early stage, already, large
instruments were introduced. In this respect,
Hartner corrects the prevailing view such as held by Neugebauer
that colossal observational instruments were only known at the
end of Islamic civilisation (14th-15th
century).[31]
Such instruments, Hartner insists, were already in use in both
Another major breakthrough is the length of time devoted to
observation from any one place. The Amajurs, thus, performed
observations which stretched over nearly fifty years, including
observations of fixed stars, as well as lunar, solar, and
planetary observations, which resulted in the preparation of
several astronomical tables.[35]
With the end of the 10th century, Sayili observes,
there came about a new stage in the history of observatories,
with further advances: in administration, a legal status for the
institution, involvement of more specialised staff, and better
and larger instruments.[36]
Rulers also played a more substantial role, the observatory in
its ideal form becoming a royal institution.[37]
Thus, in relation to instruments,
Abu’l-Wafa (940-998) who worked at the observatory of the ruler
Sharaf al-Daula, made observations using a 20 ft quadrant and a
56 ft stone sextant, and a wall quadrant, which he built himself
for observing the stars.[38]
At
A century or so after, an observatory was built by the
Seljuk Sultan Malik Shah (ruled 1072-1092), in Ispahan.[41]
There, he gathered together a large group of the most
distinguished astronomers, amongst whom were al-Khayyami, Abu’l
Muzaffer and Al-Wasiti.[42]
An enormous amount of money was spent for the purpose, and the
observation lasted for over thirty years.[43]
The instruments used were much bulkier than before, the aim
being to minimise error as much as possible.[44]
Each piece was also dedicated to a particular class of
observations.[45]
Haji Khalifa, on the authority of Abd al-Wajid speaks of the
Zij Malikshah by Umar Khayyam.[46]
Qutb al-Din al-Shirazi, too, mentions Umar Khayyam’s zij.[47]
In
this high medieval period, there also seems to be observation
made in the Muslim west. Johnson speaks of observatories at
Cordova,
In
North Africa
,
the
In
the 13th century the largest and most advanced
observatory to date was built at Maragha in Azerbaijan; the only
contribution by the Mongols to learning, although that was far
from being their aim, Hulagu, the observatory’s sponsor, being
only interested in the star signs to carry out his wars on
Islam. He employed Nasir
Eddin at Tusi as astrologer, Nasir Eddin having advised Hulagu
to carry the onslaught on
The
Krisciunas insists that in the
‘As
to the inquiry of those who ask why observations are not
completed in one year but require ten to fifteen years, the
situation is that there are certain circumstances suited for the
determination of matters pertaining to the planets, and that
they should be observed when these conditions obtain. One needs,
e.g., to have two eclipses in both of which the eclipsed
parts are equal and on the same side, and both these eclipses
have to be near the same node. Likewise, two other eclipses
conforming to other specifications are needed, and still other
cases of a similar nature are required. It is necessary to
observe Mercury at a time when it is at its maximum morning
elongation and once at its maximum evening elongation, in
addition to certain other conditions, and a similar situation
exists for the other planets.
‘Now, all these circumstances are not met within a single year,
so that their observations cannot be completed in one year. It
is necessary to wait until the required circumstances obtain,
and then if there is cloud at the awaited time, the opportunity
is lost and gone, and it is necessary to wait for another year
or two for the repetition of the needed circumstances. Ten or
fifteen years are required for this reason.’[78]
It also takes Saturn 29 years to return to the same position
amongst the stars (that being its period of revolution about the
Sun), and a period of 29 years might have been the projected
length of the
Islamic observatories were the forerunners of modern
observatories, whether with regard to their organisation, the
instruments and methods used, the objectives assigned for each
astronomer or observation, state involvement, etc. One major
innovation was the tendency to narrow branches of
specialisation, and to involve large groups of scholars in
common endeavours. There were thus, calculators, arithmeticians,
geometers, astronomers, astrologers, observers and instrument
designers who were specialised in their own branch
of knowledge only.[80]
The use and manipulation of astronomical instruments
necessitated working in groups of observers, so that, in this
case at least, the collaboration of astronomers of the same
specialisation was also required.[81]
That the foundation and functioning of the Islamic observatory
was dependent upon the cooperation of many scientists is clearly
stated by Islamic writers.[82]
The emphasis upon astronomical work and observation in groups
seems to explain the sudden appearance of impressive staffs in
Islam in the observatories.[83]
Hartner insists that it was only in the 17th century,
thanks to Brahe, that high standards of Islamic observation were
reached again by the Europeans.[84]
[1]
A view vulgarised for the general public as on
10 August 1999, on
BBC2.
[2]
I.e: T.E. Huff: The Rise of Early Modern Science
(Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 179-80.
[3]
L.A. Sedillot: Prolegomenes des tables Astronomiques
d'Ouloug -Beg, texte, Chrestomathie Persane, vol
1 (1847), p. CVII.
[4]
A
Sayili: The Observatory
, op cit.
[5]
Ibid, p.4.
[6]
M. Hoskin and O. Gingerich: Islamic Astronomy; op cit;
pp. 52-7.
[7]
A
Sayili: The Observator, op cit; p. 26.
[8]
Ibid; pp. 25-31.
[9]
World Who’s Who, in B. Hetherington: A Chronicle;
op cit; p.92.
[10]
In
[11]
Al-Biruni
: Tahdid Nihayat al-Amaqin li tashih Masafat
al-Masakin; Istanbul; Sulaymaniye Library;
Fatih-3386; p. 84.
[12]
Al-Biruni
: Tahdid Nihayat al-Amaqin; p. 287.
[13]
Ibid, p. 337.
[14]
C. Shoy:
Die Bestimmung der Geographischen….
In Annalen der Hydrographie und Maritimen
Meteorologie (1922) Vol 50; p.11.
[15]
E. Wiedemann: Uber ein von Ibn Sina
Hergestelltes
Bobachtungsinstrument, Zeitschrift fur Instrumentenkunde
(1925), pp 270-1 ff.
[16]
F.Schmidt: Geschichte der Geodatischen Instrumenten
und Verfahren in Altertum und Mittelalter, (1935),
pp. 26, 266, 280.
[17]
A.L. Sedillot: Histoire generale des Arabes, op
cit; p. 8.
[18]
Al-Biruni
: Tahdid Nihayat al-Amaqin; op cit; p. 78.
[19]
B. Hetherington: A Chronicle; op cit; p.101.
[20]
F. Micheau: The Scientific Institutions in the Medieval
Near East, in Encyclopaedia (Rashed ed) op cit;
vol 3, pp. 985-1007;
p. 993.
[21]
A.I. Sabra: AL-Jauhari; Dictionary of Scientific
Biography; op cit; vol VII; pp. 78-80.
[22]
A. Sayili: The Introductory section of Habash’s
Astronomical Tables; op cit; pp. 150; 142-3.
[23]
A. I. Sabra: The Scientific Enterprise; op cit; pp
186-187.
[24]
Ibn Said al-Andalusi
: Tabaqat al-Umam; ed. L. Cheikho (
[25]
[26]
J.L.E. Dreyer: A History; op cit; p. 246.
[27]
W. Hartner: The Role; op cit; p. 8.
[28]
A. I. Sabra: The Scientific enterprise; op cit; p.187.
[29]
J. Greaves: Astronomica Quaedam ex Traditione Shah
Cholgii Persae (
[30]
Ibn Yunus: Kitab al-Zij; ed. And trans Caussin;
vol 7 (1803), pp. 164-7.
[31]
I,e.
O. Neugebauer: A History of Ancient Mathematical
Astronomy (Verlag, 1975), 3 vols;
p.9.
[32]
W. Hartner review of O. Neugebauer: A History of Ancient
Mathematical Astronomy, Verlag, 1975; 3 vols; in
Journal for the
History of Astronomy; 9; pp 201-212; at p. 202.
[33]
Al-Biruni
: Tahdid Nihayat al-Amaqin; op cit; p. 79.
[34]
J.E. Montucla: Histoire des Mathematiques; 4
vols; Paris; 1799-1802;
vol 1; p. 357.
[35]
Ibn Yunus: Kitab al-Zij; op cit; pp. 126-7; E.S.
Kennedy: a Survey; op cit; pp. 125; 134-5; A. Sayili:
The Observatory
;
op cit; p. 103.
[36]
A. Sayili: The Observatory
; op cit, p. 121.
[37]
Ibid.
[38]
G. Sarton: Introduction; op cit; vol 1; p. 666.
[39]
F. Micheau: The Scientific; op cit; p. 993.
[40]
A.I. Sabra: The Scientific Enterprise; op cit; pp.
186-187.
[41]
G. Sarton: Introduction; op cit; vol 1; p. 760.
[42]
A. Sayili: The Observatory
; op cit; p. 161.
[43]
M. Al-Wabkanwi: Al-Zij al-Muhaqqaqi… Ms.
Istanbul;
[44]
G.M Wickens: The Middle East, op cit; p. 117.
[45]
Baron Carra de Vaux: Astronomy; op cit; p. 396.
[46]
Haji Khalifa: Kashf al-Zunun; ed. Flugel; 7 vols
(1835-58), vol 3; p. 570.
[47]
Qutb al-Din: Nihaya al-Idrak; mss Istanbul;
Topkapi Museum Library; Ahmet III; mss 3333; p. 140a;
3334; p. 268a.
[48]
M.C. Johnson: Greek, Moslem and Chinese instrument
design in the surviving Mongol Equatorials of 1279;
[49]
J. Aschbach: Geschichte Spaniens und
M. Al-Mamuni: Al-Ulum wa’l Funun ala Ahd
al-Muwahhidin (Tatwan; 1950),
p. 109.
[50]
A. Sayili: The Observatory
; op cit; p. 184.
[51]
Ibid.
[52]
M. Al-Mamuni: Al-Ulum wa’l Funun; op cit; p. 113.
[53]
Ibid.
[54]
Baron G. d’Ohsson: Histoire des Mongols; op cit;
Vol 3; pp. 225-6.
J. Glubb: A Short History; op cit; p. 207.
[55]
F. Micheau: The Scientific; op cit; P.1003.
[56]
A. I. Sabra: The Scientific; op cit; pp. 186-187.
[57]
B.C. de Vaux: Astronomy; op cit; p.396; and S.A. Bedini:
Scientific instruments;
in Dictionary of the Middle Ages; op cit; vol 11;
pp. 95-103.
[58]
G. Saliba: Solar observations at the Maragha observatory
before 1275: a new set of parameters; in Journal of
History of Astronomy; vol 16 (1985); pp. 113-122. at
p.118.
[59]
B. Hetherington: A Chronicle; op cit; p. 158.
[60]
F. Micheau: The Scientific; op cit; P.1002.
[61]
Ibid; pp. 1003-4.
[62]
A. Sayili: The Observatory
, op cit, p. 271.
[63]
J. Greaves: Binae Tabule Geographicae (
[64]
Al-Birjandi: Sharh-i-zij Uluh Biyk; ms Istanbul;
Nuruosmaniye Library; No 2939; p. 56a.
[65]
Al-Kashi: Risala; ed W.W. Barthold; Memoires de
l’Academie des Sciences de Russie; VIII em serie; Vol
13; No 5 (Petrograd; 1918), pp. 1-3.
[66]
J. North: The
[67]
J.S. Bailly: Histoire de l'Astronomie Moderne depuis
la Fondation de l'Ecole d' Alexandrie in A. Sayili:
The Observatory
;
op cit; p. 259.
[68]
K. Krisciunas: The Legacy of Uluh Beg; at
http://www.ukans.edu/~ibetext/texts/paksoy-2/cam6.html
[69]
F. Micheau: The Scientific; op cit; p. 1004.
[70]
J. North: The
[71]
D. Abbot ed: The Biographical Dictionary of
Scientists, Astronomers; F. Muller;
[72]
J. North: The
[73]
L. Sedillot, 1853, in R. Morelon: General Survey of
Arabic Astronomy, in Encyclopaedia (Rashed ed),
op cit, vol 1, pp 1-19; at p. 14.
[74]
F. Micheau: The Scientific; op cit; at pp. 1003-4.
[75]
Ibid.
[76]
K. Kruiscinas: The Legacy; op cit.
[77]
Ibid.
[78]
Al-Kashi: Letter to his Father; Ms.; Sipahsallar
Mosque
Library;
[79]
K. Kruiscinas: The Legacy; op cit.
[80]
A. Sayili: The Observatory
;
op cit; pp. 249-52.
[81]
Ibid; p. 30.
[82]
Nizami-I-Nishapuri: Kashf al-Haqaiq; Ms Istanbul;
Ayasofya; No 2696;
[83]
A. Sayili: The Observatory
;
op cit; p. 30.
[84]
Essay review by W. Hartner of O. Neugebauer; op cit; p.
211, note 20. |