The Islamic Fundamentals of Trade
:
Basing himself on a
diversity of sources, Cahen
writes:
`Let
us first rid ourselves of an idea that Pirenne
himself seem to have
had, namely, that Arabs
and Islam are marked by
a kind of native impotence in economics and trade.[1]
No matter what modern developments have been, the Arabs, as far
as back as pre-Islamic times, organised trade caravans which
were at least inter-regional, reaching as far as Syria
.[2]
Through the Yemen
,
they were in contact with the Indian Ocean's traffic. Islam was
born in a mercantile milieu. Muhammad was a merchant and was not
troubled by it. Several of his companions were merchants, and if
evidently certain practices of the surrounding states were
unknown to them, the reverse was perhaps also true.[3]
In any case there was no question of a basic Muslim incapacity
to trade.’[4]
If any historical fact confirms the great capacity of Muslims to
trade, it is the fact that anywhere Muslims set foot they
fostered trade.
Garaudy observes how agrarian communities based on the Savannah
or forest evolved in the 8th century into great
empires, a consequence of large scale trade in the geographical
area where Islam was present, from Cadiz to China
.[5]
In Africa, indeed, it was Islam, which legated the concept of
special consideration to traders and trading; and even more
importantly, created a trading class.[6]
It imposed contractual laws, hence stimulating institutional as
well as legal foundations, not just for trade, but for the whole
of society. And, of course, it forbade the practice of usury.[7]Elsewhere,
Muslim shipping was prominent throughout the Indian Ocean, and
as early as 750, merchants from the Persian Gulf made the long
voyage to China. After 1100, Indian cotton goods and Chinese
porcelain were reaching
very remote Indonesian islands (whose main exports were spices)
and distant African ports (whence came ivory and gold.)[8]Then,
only the Muslim Arabs
and Muslim South Asians
who led the trade with China had such a background and their
efforts enabled them to extend their enterprises into the Malay
Archipelago.[9]Their
reach was remarkable when one considers the shipping and
navigational conditions of the time.[10]Eventually,
the Muslims stimulated Chinese merchants themselves to develop
better ocean-going shipping to trade in the region as well.[11]Such
achievements testify to the way commercial vigour could fashion
and enhance civilisation when trade flourished freely and
attracted the active participation of local elites.[12]Which,
Abu Lughod notes, contradicts the views that Eastern cultures
provided an `inhospitable environment for merchant-accumulators
and industrial developers.’[13]
And
rather than destroying trading lines between the East and the
Christian West
, as
Pirenne
and his hordes of
followers hold, `The Arabs
,’
Lopez writes, `masters of an empire extending from the Gulf of
Gascony to beyond the Indus, involved in commercial enterprises
reaching into Africa and Baltic Europe, brought East and West
together, as never before.’[14]Indeed,
Muslims had trading posts in Sind and Gujarat, near Bombay, and
by the end of the 11th century, and Muslim merchants
are known to have set up permanent establishments in Hungary,
all facts testifying to `the zeal and ability with which Muslim
society could call upon in commercial matters.’[15]
A zeal, which finds greater illustration with the huge Muslim
coin finds in and around Scandinavia, the result of a trade
dating from about the year 800 in which the Viking carried
skins, swords, amber, honey, walrus ivory (elephant ivory was
scarce then), flacons and slaves across Russian lands as far as
Byzantium
, or
crossing the territory of the Khazars, on towards the Caspian
and to Baghdad
.[16]
It was during periods when this trade slackened-as a result of
the crisis in the Caliphate-that the Vikings devoted themselves
to looting and piracy.[17]
Islam did not just revive and stimulate trade, it also set and
built the very fundamentals and mechanisms of modern trade,
eventually inherited by the West, and we have today, and in
every single respect, as is explained in the following.
Udovitch
insists on the
fundamental point that it is
Islamic law and the customary practice in the Muslim world,
which provided merchants and traders with the commercial
techniques to structure and facilitate trade and exchange.[18]
Long before the West, Udovitch adds, Muslim merchants had at
their disposal accepted legal mechanisms for extending credit
and for transferring and exchanging currencies over long
distances.[19]
The `Hawala’ (in Arabic), suftaja (in Persian), or letter
of credit, allowed a merchant to advance or transfer a sum of
money to a business associate at some distant place with `the
full confidence that the transfer would be expeditiously
accomplished.’[20]
The letter of credit was regularly used to avoid carriage of
large amount of capital over large stretches of land.[21]
Chance, Braudel holds, has preserved letters of Jewish
traders of Cairo
from the times of the
first Crusade (1090s), which show that all methods of, and
instruments of credit, and all forms of trade associations were
known already, and were not invented subsequently in Europe as
was asserted by many.[22]
Some such letters of credit were for the huge sum of 40,000
dinars in the Saharan oasis of Sijilmasa, and many examples of
such letters found at Cairo Genizah,[23]confirm
that these instruments of credit were always scrupulously and
strictly honoured;[24]just
as regulated by the Islamic religious text.[25]
Derived from this form of transactions is the cheque. Cheque, in
Arabic Saqq, is as Udovitch
highlights, `functionally
and etymologically the origin of our modern checks.’[26]The
use of saqq was borne out of the need to avoid having to
transport coin as legal tender due to the dangers and
difficulties this represented; the bankers took to the use of
bills of exchange, letters of credit, and promissory notes,
often drawn up as to be, in effect, cheques.[27]
At the city of Basra, in Iraq, by the mid-11th
century, anybody could deposit their assets with a changer or
banker who handed over a receipt. Any subsequent purchase was
then made by means of a draft on the banker, who honoured it
when presented by the vendor. `Such drafts on bankers were the
merchants' exclusive currency.’[28]
In promoting the concept of the bill of exchange-sakk, or
cheque-the Muslims, thus made the financing of commerce,
especially inter-continental trade, feasible.
The
development of modern banking has its early origins in the
Abbasid court, under Harun al-Rashid (9th century),
where under a highly developed system, a Muslim businessman
could cash a cheque in Canton on his bank account in Baghdad
.[29]
The main role was played by Jewish
bankers who, in the
entourage of both Caliph and ministers in Baghdad, were
entrusted with the keeping of both the jewels of the crown and
prisoners of the state.[30]
The title of Court bankers
(Jahabidhat
al-Hadra) was granted by the state chancellery under Caliph
Muqtadir to two or three Jewish bankers in Baghdad.[31]In
fact the development of international banking,[32]
Massignon explains, has origins with that Jewish element serving
the Abbasid Caliphate in the 9th century.[33]That
was about five centuries before a banking system of worth
appeared in Western Christendom
.[34]
Islamic banking impacted directly on the West via the commercial
transactions between the East and the Christian world.[35]The
Jewish
communities took their
practice from the Muslim milieus into that of their communities
in the Christian West,
especially as Jewish
bankers associated themselves with others from their own
community[36]
to form groups of investors willing to support large ventures
that included regular caravan journeys and maritime expeditions
to Africa, India and China
.[37]
Paper
money was first adopted
in north China
by the end of the 11th
century and in the Chin and Southern Sung territories it was in
regular use by the 12th century, although it still
coexisted with metal coins.[38]
Some paper money was printed in Chinese
and Arabic in 1294 at
Tabriz via block-printing, a method also of Chinese origin.[39]
We have a contemporary account of it by a Persian historian who
lived in Tabriz.[40]As
with paper, it was the Muslims, who traded directly with the
West, who both generalised the use of, and spread of this
Chinese invention.
There is an Islamic powerful form of influence with regard to
weights and measures, too. The smallest weight Muslims used in
trade was the grain of barley, four of which were equal to one
sweet pea, called in Arabic carat; which is still in use as a
unit of weight, and of precious metals as being so many carats
fine.[41]
Most of the common Arabic units found their way into one
or all of the Iberian romance languages.[42]
As early as 989, the qaf’iz (a measure of weight)
appeared in Catalonia as the kaficio, and later the qadah
(a large measure for grain) became alcadafe in Castilian,
alcadafe in Portuguese, and cadaf or cadufa in Catalan.[43]
Muslim coinage, as in
Spain, was reputed for its purity and design.[44]
Spanish
currency consisted of
the Dinar (of gold), which was equal to two dollars (early 20th
century value); the dirhem (of silver), equal to twelve cents;
and various small pieces of copper that fluctuated in value.[45]
Whatever the means of transfer, numismatic data shows that coins
moved between al-Andalus and Europe during the 8th, 9th
10th and early 11th centuries.[46]
Bates also notes how the
Normans of Sicily
struck Arabic gold
quarter dinars (called taris by the Italians
)
for nearly a century after their conquest of the island, whilst
Christian France, just as Spain and Italy, also used and
imitated the gold coins of the Almoravids (called maravedis).[47]
Thus have been made clear aspects of how Islam pioneered and
impacted on fundamental elements of modern trade. The current
Western historical interpretation, though, is that it was not
from Islam that modern trade derives but from Western Christian
genius, more precisely, Italian genius.
Setting aside the fact
that the developments just looked at come centuries prior to
similar ones made by the Italians
, this issue of pioneering and impact is now looked at from
another set of angles so as to refute this generalised Western
historical interpretation.
[1]
Since it would be impossible to list here a bibliography
of this immense subject, Cahen points out, he
judiciously recommends Rodinson: Islam and
capitalism; Paris,
1966.
[3]
Synthese in A. R. Lewis: Naval Power and Trade in the
Mediterranean, 500-1100; Princeton University Press;
1951.
[4]
C. Cahen: Commercial Relations; op cit; at p.3.
[5]
R. Garaudy: Comment l'Homme devint Humain,
Editions J.A, 1978. p.271.
[6]
J. Spencer
Trimingham: The Influence of Islam upon Africa;
Longman, Librairie du Liban; second edition 1980;
at p 38; and p.51.
[7]
Ibid.
[8]
A. Pacey:
Technology
, op cit; p.12.
[9]
Wang Gungwu: Transforming the Trading World of Southeast
Asia[i] at
http://hometown.aol.com/wignesh/5Wanggungwu.htm
[10]
Ibid.
[11]
F.Hirth and W.W. Rockhill. 1911; Ibn Batuta.
1983: Travels in Asia and Africa, 1325-1354.
London; in Transforming the Trading World.
[12]
Van Leur 1955; Hall 1985; Briggs 1951; Dumarcay 1985;
Stierlin 1984 in
Transforming the Trading World.
[13]
Janet L. Abu-Lughod: Before European Hegemony, op
cit; p.364.
[14]
G. Wiet et al: History; op cit; p.161
[15]
Ibid. p.163.
[16]
J. Fontana: The
Distorted Past; Blackwell, 1995. p.37.
[17]
Ibid.
[18]
A.L. Udovitch
: Trade
, in the Dictionary of the Middle Ages;
op cit;
vol 12; pp. 105-8; at p. 106.
[19]
Ibid.
[20]
Ibid.
[21]
Louis
Massignon: L'Influence de l'Islam au Moyen Age sur la
formation de l'essor des banques Juives; Bulletin
d'Etudes Orientales (Institut Fr de Damas) Vol 1;
year 1931: pp 3-12.;
p. 7.
[22]
F. Braudel: Grammaire des Civilisations;
Flammarion, 1987. p.96.
[23]
See S.D. Goiten: A Mediterranean society; op cit.
[24]
A.L. Udovitch
: Trade
; op cit; p. 106.
[25]
Quran: ii.282; iv.33.
[26]
A. Udovitch
: Trade
; op cit; p. 106.
See also A. Udovitch: Bankers Without Banks;
The dawn of Modern Banking; N. Haven; Yale
University Press; 1979.
[27]
L. Massignon in G.
Wiet et al: History; op cit. at p.336.
[28]
Ibid.
[29]
J. Glubb: A Short
History; op cit; p.105.
[30]
Passion d'al-Hallaj; Paris, 1922, 1922, p. 266 in L
Massignon: L'Influence de l'Islam; op cit; p. 3.
[31]
H.Sabi, Kitab
al-Wuzara, ed.
Amedroz, Leyden, 1904 in L Massignon: l'Influence. p.5.
[32]
See also:
W. Fischel: The Origins of Banking in Medieval Islam:
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (JRAS); 1933;
pp 339-52.
[33]
L.
Massignon: l'Influence de l'Islam; op cit; p. 4.
[34]
Ibid.
[35]
See:
-D.Abulafia: The Role of Trade
in
Muslim-Christian contact during the Middle Ages in
The Arab Influence in Medieval Europe; op cit; pp
1-24.
-M.Amari:
I Diplomi arabi
del reale archivio Fiorentino, Florence, Lemonnier,
1863.
-
M.L. de Mas Latrie: Traites de Paix et de Commerce
, et Documents Divers, Concernant les Relations des
Chretiens avec les Arabes de l'Afrique Septentrionale au
Moyen Age,
Burt Franklin, New York,
Originally Published in Paris, 1866.
p.xv.
[36]
Jacob Mann:
Responsa des geonim, Mesopotamiens, ap.Jew. Qart
Rev., 1917-1921, in Louis Massignon: L'Influence de
l'Islam; op cit; p. 6.
[37]
L. Massignon: L'Influence de l'Islam. p. 6.
[38]
J. L. Abu-Lughod:
Before European Hegemony; op cit; p.333.
[39]
G. Sarton
: Introduction; op cit; Vol II, p. 764.
D. Hunter: Papermaking: The History and Technique of
an Ancient Craft; Pleiades Books; London; 1943; 1947;
p.474.
[40]
G. Sarton
: Introduction, Vol II, p. 764.
[41]
J.W. Draper: A
History; op cit;
Vol II; p.44.
[42]
O.R. Constable: Trade and Traders in Muslim Spain;
Cambridge University Press; 1994. p. 47.
[43]
J. Vallve: Notas de metrologia hispano-arabe II, Medidas
de capacidad; in Al-Andalus 42; 1977; pp. 91-8.
[44]
S.P. Scott: History, vol 2; op cit, p.636.
[45]
Ibid.
[46]
O.R. Constable: Trade and Traders; op cit; p. 39.
[47]
M.L. Bates: Mints and Money: Dictionary of the Middle
Ages; op cit; vol 8;
pp-421-5; at p. 423. |